Skip to main content

Full text of "Publications"

See other formats

= CO 






of tfje 

of Toronto 

Tliis volume THE SPANISH WAR, 
1 585- announced for last year, has been 
iinavoi .ably delayed, but is now isstied on 
tJic 1897 subscription. 

April 1898. 

iftmfcersttg 01 






< ,O N 




pani0j) War 














K.G., K.T., &c. 





K.C.B., F.R.S. 






K.C.M.G., F.R.S. 





W. J. L., K.C.B., F.R.S. 
WHITE, SiRW. H., K.C.B.,F.R.S. 

PROFESSOR J. K. LAUGHTON, King's College, London, W.C. 

H. F. R. YORKE, C.B., Admiralty, S.W. 

it to be distinctly understood that they are not answer- 
able for any opinions or observations that may appear 
in the Society's publications. For these the responsi- 
bility rests entirely with the Editors of the several works. 


THE documents collected in the present volume fall 
into three groups i. Papers relating to Drake's 
' Indies Voyage,' 1585-6 ; ii. Papers' relating to his 
'Cadiz Voyage,' 1587 ; iii. Miscellaneous Papers, 
relating to the mobilisation and general administra- 
tion of the navy at the outbreak of the war. 

To apply the title of the ' Spanish War ' to the 
collection is to some extent a misnomer. War had 
not been declared, and in the eyes of publicists a 
state of war did not exist between the two countries. 
In those days the doctrine of general reprisal as a 
form of hostility falling short of war was carried 
very much further than it could be now. Under 
Elizabeth it reached its furthest point. Until her 
time it was a generally recognised rule that reprisals 
must be confined to the high seas, and between such 
operations and operations against an adversary's 
territory the line seems to have been drawn which 
divided general reprisal from actual war. The status 
of colonies under this doctrine was not yet fixed ; 
whether they were territory or not was undecided. 
Philip, in his anxiety to exclude foreign competition 
and heresy from his colonial possessions, took up the 
position that they did not fall within the commercial 


treaties between England and his House which had 
never been abrogated, and that he was entitled to 
forbid the English trading with them. As a corol- 
lary of this position it followed that they were not 
territory of the House of Burgundy Consequently 
Elizabeth appears not without considerable plau- 
sibility to have regarded them as the legitimate 
subjects of general reprisal, and in this doctrine 
Philip, being too weak at sea to dispute it, was com- 
pelled for a time to acquiesce. In judging her and 
Drake for their piratical expeditions, as they are 
generally called without any regard to contemporary 
international law, this aspect of the situation must 
never be lost sight of. If the Spanish colonies were 
Spanish territory, then Philip, by the comity of nations, 
if not by actually subsisting treaties, had no right to 
exclude the subjects of a friendly power from trading 
with them. If they were not Spanish territory, 
then they were the legitimate subjects of general 

I. THE INDIES VOYAGE. Ever since Philip's 
conquest of Portugal in 1580 had placed Spain in 
the position of a first-rate naval power Drake, 
backed by Leicester, Walsyngham, and Hawkyns, 
had been endeavouring to get permission to check 
the further development of the Spanish power by an 
attack on her oceanic trade and colonies, either 
openly or covertly under the flag of Don Antonio, 
the Portuguese pretender. Without definite assur- 
ance of French co-operation, however, the Queen 
would not consent, and Drake was kept inactive. 
The relations between the two countries, which his 
raid into the South Sea had for a time threatened 



with open rupture, had greatly improved, at least in 
outward appearance ; and in 1585, under special pro- 
mises of immunity from molestation on religious or 
other grounds, Philip had invited to his ports a fleet of 
English corn ships, in order to supply the deficiency 
of his own harvests. No sooner, however, had the 
English ships arrived than an embargo was laid 
upon them, and their crews arrested. One ship, the 
famous Primrose, of London, managed to escape. 
While lying off Bilbao quietly discharging her cargo 
she had been visited by the Corregidor of Biscay 
and his guard disguised as merchants. Suddenly 
called upon to surrender, the crew flung themselves 
upon the Spaniards, drove them all overboard, and 
made sail. Some of the discomfited Spaniards, as 
the shore boats fled, were seen clinging to the 
English vessel. These were humanely rescued 
and carried in triumph back to England, and among 
them was the Corregidor himself. Upon him were 
found his official instructions, setting forth expressly 
that the embargo was ordered for the purposes of 
the expedition which Philip was preparing against 
the English. This was enough both for the Queen 
and the powerful public opinion of commercial circles 
in London, which had obstinately clung to pacific 
relations with Spain. A retaliatory embargo was 
proclaimed, letters of general reprisal were issued, 
and Drake was let loose. 

The expedition was extraordinarily popular, and 
Drake, with his experience of the Queen's capacity 
for sudden changes of front, lost no time in pressing 
forward his arrangements on the flow of the tide. 
London, it was said, offered to fit out seven score 


sail, and by the middle of July the town flocked 
down to Woolwich to see the contingent of the 
capital start ' with great jolity ' to join Drake's flag 
at Plymouth. 1 Most of the principal ports followed 
the example of London, and from the Queen, Court, 
and private persons money was subscribed in abun- 
dance. For the expedition was to be on the usual 
lines, and to be carried out by a fleet of merchant- 
men stiffened by some ships from the Royal Navy 
and financed by a Joint Stock Company. By 
August Drake had gathered round him a fleet of 
twenty-five sail, amongst which were the Elizabeth 
Bonaventure, 600 tons, and the Aid, 250 tons, of 
her Majesty's. The rest were all private ships. 
Largest of them was the Galleon Leicester, of 400 
tons, which had been Fenton's flagship in 1582. 
The London contingent included several of the 
finest vessels in the subsidised mercantile marine, 
with the redoubtable Primrose at their head. The 
rest were mainly West-Country vessels. In all, the 
ships numbered twenty-one and the pinnaces four. 2 
Drake's flag was hoisted on the Bonaventure, and 
around him was gathered as brilliant an assembly of 
officers, whether from family connections or services, 
as a commander could desire. His own flag-captain 
was Thomas Fenner, one of the most daring and 
experienced officers of his time. His Vice- Admiral 

1 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. XII. iv. 176, 177. 

2 A French salt-bark of 40 tons, which was taken possession 
of off Finisterre, was afterwards added to the fleet under the name 
of the Drake, raising the whole force to twenty-six sail. Biggs 
gives the total at twenty-five, but he omits the bark Hawkyns, 
which was certainly attached to the fleet. The Primrose log says 
they sailed from Plymouth with twenty-nine ships and pinnaces. 
Some private adventurers probably joined company. 


was Martin Frobiser, who honoured the little 
Primrose with his flag. 1 Francis Knollys, the 
Queen's cousin and Leicester's brother-in-law, was 
Rear- Admiral in the Galleon Leicester. Captain 
Edward Wynter, son of Sir William, commanded 
the Aid, and Christopher Carleill was Lieutenant- 
General commanding the land forces and the 
Tiger. 2 Thomas Drake, the Admiral's youngest 
brother, had Sir Francis's ship the Thomas Drake. 
Tom Moone, one of the oldest and most devoted 
followers of his corsair days, had another, the 
Francis. Amongst others whom he had trained in 
his voyage round the world were Captain George 
Fortescue in the bark Bonner, Captain John Martyn 
in the bark Benjamin, Edward Careless, also called 
Wright, whom Hakluyt calls the excellent mathe- 
matician and engineer, in the Hope of 200 tons, and 
Richard Hawkyns with his first command as captain 
of the galleot Duck. Under Carleill was a regular 
military force with Captain Anthony Powell as ' Ser- 


1 It seems to have been a customary privilege allowed to 
London merchants when serving as partners with the Queeji for 
the commodore of their contingent to hold flag-rank. Frobiser 
on this occasion seems not to have been the Queen's officer, but 
the nominee of the London merchants, who had been his early 

2 This was probably not the Queen's ship Tiger, 200 tons, 
but the London vessel of the same name and tonnage which 
served against the Armada. The Queen's Tiger was at this 
time apparently unfit for service. In this or the following year 
she seems to have been replaced by the Sea Dragon of Sir 
William Wynter's (see post, p. 249). However, CarleilPs ship may 
possibly have been the Queen's old Tiger sold out of the service. 
A Sea Dragon formed part of the fleet when it sailed, which may 
have been Sir William Wynter's vessel. If this was so it is 
curious that the New Tiger appears in Hawkyns's list of available 
vessels, which omits the Aid and Bonaventure (see post, p. 271). 



geant-Major ' or chief of the Lieutenant-General's 
staff, and two ' Corporals of the Field ' or aides-de- 
camp. The whole force, including soldiers and 
sailors, numbered 2,300 men. 

The details of the sea force were as follows : 




Eliz. Bonaventure . 


Admiral and General, Sir F. Drake 

Flag-Capt, Thomas Fenner 



Vice-Admiral, Martin Frobiser 

Galleon Leicester . 


Rear- Admiral, Francis Knollys 

Aid ... 


Captain, Ed. Wynter 

Tiger . 



Sea Dragon . 

Captain, Henry Whyte l 

Thomas . 


Thomas Drake 

Minion . 


Thomas Cely 2 

Bark Talbot . 



Bark Bond 


Robert Crosse 3 

Bark Bonner . 

J 5 

George Fortescue 


Edward Careless 

White Lion 


James Erizo 4 

Francis . 

Thomas Moone 

Vantage . 

John Rivers 


John Vaughan 5 

George . 

John Varney 


John Martyn 


Edward Gilman 

Galleot Duck . 

Rich. Hawkyns 

Swallow . 


The land force probably consisted of ten com- 
panies. Carleill, as Lieutenant-General, according 
to the military organisation of the time, would 
have, besides his staff rank and ship, command of 
his own company. 

So also would the Sergeant- 

1 Probably the author of the Armada despatch given in 
Defeat of the Armada, ii. 63. 

2 See ibid. i. 262 et passim. 

3 See post, p. 47 n., and ibid, passim. 

4 See /<?.$/, p. 47 n., and ibid. ii. 340. 6 Ibid. ii. 104. 



Major, each with his captain-lieutenant as his 
deputy. The two Corporals-of-the-field would have 
no company command. Besides these, ten other 
captains are mentioned, one of whom, Edward 
Wynter, also commanded a ship. Their names 
were as follows : Anthony Platt, Edward Wynter, 
John Goring, Robert Pew, George Barton, John 
Marchant, William Cecil, Walter Biggs, John 
Hannam, and Richard Stanton ; of these probably 
only eight commanded companies. Walter Biggs 
was captain-lieutenant of Carleill's company, and 
the Sergeant-Major's captain-lieutenant must also 
be included in the list. Platt and Marchant became 
staunch adherents of Drake, the latter being Ser- 
geant-Major to the Cadiz expedition in 1587, and 
both perished in the expedition of 1595. William 
Cecil was perhaps Burghley's grandson and the heir 
of his house. 

Drake's orders were to proceed to the ports 
where the English ships were detained, and to 
procure their release. What further instructions he 
had is not known. Even what his intentions were 
has hitherto been very doubtful, but the document 
printed at p. 69 makes them quite clear. From 
internal evidence it would appear that as all kinds of 
contradictory rumours of his proceedings in the 
West Indies began to reach Europe, the Govern- 
ment, having received no despatches for many 
months, began to get anxious about the expedition, 
and obtained from some one in Drake's confidence 
exact details of the way in which he intended to 
conduct the campaign, with particulars of the time 
he expected his contemplated operations would 


take. It finally removes the long-prevailing im- 
pression that his expedition was a haphazard raid. 
On the contrary, we can now see it as a thoroughly 
well conceived, if ambitious, design to destroy the 
sources of Spanish transatlantic commerce and ruin 
her colonial empire. The three great centres San 
Domingo, Cartagena, and Panama were each to 
be taken in turn ; while Havana, the rendezvous of 
all the homeward-bound fleets and the key of the 
whole system, was, if possible, to be permanently 
occupied, whereby Mexico would be blockaded as 
completely as Peru, the Central Provinces, and the 
Spanish Main. 

The narrative with which the volume opens 
sufficiently explains the progress of the expedition. 
From internal evidence we know it was by an 
officer on board Frobiser's flag-ship the Primrose. 
Several indications point to his being a soldier, and 
not a sailor, but nothing further is ascertainable 
about his identity. Hitherto the only complete 
account generally known has been that published by 
Hakluyt, which should also be consulted, especially 
for the reasons which finally induced Drake to 
evacuate Cartagena, instead of permanently esta- 
blishing himself there when he found it impos- 
sible to proceed with his original plan of campaign. 

It is entitled ' A summary and true discourse 
of Sir Francis Drake's West Indian Voyage,' and 
was begun by Captain Walter Biggs, captain-lieu- 
tenant of the lieutenant-general's company, and 
carried on by his lieutenant Cripps. For publica- 
tion it was finally entrusted to Thomas Cates, of 
the same company. Several editions of it in various 


languages are in the British Museum (besides 
Hakluyt's reprint), and those which are complete 
contain a map and four highly interesting and well- 
executed military plans of the principal operations. 

The despatches, unfortunately, are very few 
after Drake left the Spanish coast. To supplement 
this want all obtainable letters of intelligence have 
been included in the present volume. Many of 
them contain erroneous and exaggerated accounts of 
what was effected ; but they are nevertheless valu- 
able as helping us to understand the extraordinary 
impression the expedition made in Europe at a 
moment when a universal Spanish domination 
seemed inevitable. Further matter of the same 
character will be found in the Calendars of the 
Venetian and Spanish historical papers. 

When Drake returned at the end of July 1586, 
and the real extent of his depredations became 
known, war was regarded as certain. The navy was 
partially mobilised for the defence of the Narrow 
Seas, and papers relating to this mobilisation and 
to the reforms that were introduced in view of the 
expected struggle will be found in Part III. of this 
collection. But war did not come. Philip was not 
yet prepared. It was not till six months after 
Drake had appeared off Bayona that Santa Cruz 
had been able to mobilise a flying squadron to 
pursue him. So when Elizabeth protested that 
Drake had exceeded his instructions, Philip ac- 
cepted the excuse, and acquiesced in the contention 
that as the English fleet had acted without official 
orders all it had done was in the nature of general 
reprisal, and therefore not a casus belli. 


Peace ostensibly still reigned, and Drake, who 
had come home in confident hope of obtaining 
reinforcements to complete the work which his 
losses had compelled him to leave for another 
campaign, was not allowed to sail. Still, with a 
view, apparently, of impressing Philip with the 
desirability of a peaceful understanding with Eng- 
land, he was permitted to take up again his old 
scheme for acting under Don Antonio's flag, and 
for this purpose to open negotiations perhaps with 
the Porte, certainly with the Dutch. By the first 
week in October 1586 things had gone so far that 
he was allowed to proceed to the Netherlands in 
person to conduct the negotiations. It was Sir 
Walter Ralegh, apparently, who induced the Queen 
to consent to this. ' With much ado,' he wrote on 
October 8 l to Leicester, who at this time was 
directing affairs in the Netherlands, ' I procured (?) 
her Majesty's leave for Sir Francis to visit your 
Excellency. . . . Sir Francis is in good hope to 
return to the Indies. If it may be brought to pass 
I doubt not all shall be recupered. I hope your 
Excellency will assist all you may.' It was probably 
in furtherance of this mission that the Dutch and 
Latin translations of the ' Summary Discourse ' 
were made. But by this time the Dutch thoroughly 
distrusted both Leicester and his mistress, and 
officially Drake's mission was a failure. Still, his 
reception personally was most brilliant, and he was 
authorised to treat with various cities privately. 

1 Tanner MSS. 79. The letter bears no year. Edwards, in 
his Life of Ralegh (vol. ii. p. 35), inserts 1587, but clearly it 
should be 1586. 


Much help was promised, and so soon as Drake 
returned he applied for a licence to sail. It was 
not granted. The question of Mary Stuart's fate, 
whose death warrant was settled the day Drake 
returned, absorbed the whole attention of the 
Government. No one could tell what would be 
the result of her execution, and the whole naval 
force of the kingdom had to be kept at home. 

II. THE CADIZ VOYAGE. It was not till the 
salutary effect of Mary's execution on the national 
position began to declare itself, and the fear of Guise 
hostilities died away, that fresh operations against 
Spain were taken into consideration. Through 
privateer captures and Government agents abroad 
information of the continuous and formidable pre- 
parations in Spain for the ' Enterprise of England ' 
poured in incessantly. A number of these reports 
are included in the present volume, and are of 
interest as showing the nature and extent of the 
intelligence on which Elizabeth's admirals had to form 
their plans of operation. So serious at length and 
so unmistakable was the prospect which their reports 
disclosed that once more Elizabeth was induced to 
set Drake free. 

At what time precisely the great resolution was 
taken is not clear. On December 25 it had been 
decided that the whole fleet must be mobilised at 
Portsmouth by March 20 in order ' to impeach the 
provisions of Spain ' (p. 55). and at the same time it 
was determined to send an Admiralty officer over to 
Holland to assist Leicester to organise a fleet from 
the Low Countries for the same date. Till the last 
moment the part Drake was to play was kept a 



profound secret. It was not till the first week in 
March that reports began to spread that he was 
going to sea again, as it became known that he was 
down at Plymouth busy with the manning and 
victualling of a squadron that had been placed under 
his orders. 1 It consisted of four ships and two 
pinnaces of the Queen's, the Lord Admiral's galleon 
the White Lion, and his pinnace the Cygnet, 2 four 
fine vessels of the Levant Company and some other 
Londoners whose trade was practically stopped by 
the unsettled state of affairs. Drake had further 
commission to take up any ships he might meet 
at sea and add them to his squadron, and thus by 
the end of the month he had ready at Plymouth a 
squadron of twenty-three sail. For his flag-ship the 
Elizabeth Bonaventure was again assigned. For 
Vice-Admiral was attached to him, in the Golden 
Lion, William Borough, Clerk of the Ships, v/ho 
next to Drake and Hawkyns was the great English 
authority on all naval matters and a regular Queen's 
officer of the old school. Though Drake's old 
friend and flag-captain, Thomas Fenner, was with 
him in command of the Dreadnought of her 
Majesty's, the third flag-ship seems to have been the 
Merchant Royal, admiral of the London squadron, 
whose commander was Captain Robert Flick, a 

1 It was not known generally in London on the 4th- 1 4th of 
March. See 'Sclatter to Darell' (Hubert Hall, Society in the 
Elizabethan Age, p. 266). 'Some say that Sir Francis Drake 
goeth to the seas with an army of 30,000 men.' 

2 In the accounts Howard is credited with 175 tons. The 
White Lion was 150, and the Cygnet the only pinnace of 25 tons. 
Sometimes the Cygnet appears as a Royal ship, but the Lord 
Admiral's ships frequently appear in navy lists. 


favourite London officer. 1 The fourth navy ship 
was the new Rainbow, the very latest experiment of 
English naval architecture, having been launched 
only a few months and built on the lines of a 
galleasse. 2 She was commanded by Captain Henry 
Bellingham, an officer who was thought worthy of a 
squadron in the following year. To these were 
attached the two Queen's pinnaces the Spy and the 
Makeshift. 3 The Levant ships, having been built 
specially for trade in seas where enemies of all kinds 
swarmed, were probably little inferior to the Queen's 
ships of their size ; as indeed some of them proved 
themselves in the famous action off Gibraltar in 
1590, when the London ships repeated their feat of 
1586, and after a six hours' fight drove off twelve 
Spanish galleys. 4 The other Londoners would fall 

1 He was a member of the Drapers' Company, and one of 
the merchant adventurers (see ' List of Adventurers who became 
sureties, &c.,' in Cam. Soc. Misc. v. 27). Of his previous ser- 
vices nothing appears to be known ; but he afterwards com- 
manded the London squadron that was sent to the relief of Lord 
Thomas Howard, at the Azores, in 1591, when the Revenge 
was lost. Borough always spoke of the Merchant Royal as the 
third flag-ship (ibid. v. 14). Leng (in Hakluyf) says the rear- 
admiral was the Dreadnought, but, like Biggs, he seems to have 
been a soldier, and his authority is not so high as Borough's. 
Here, then, we almost certainly have another instance of the 
commodore of the London squadron taking flag-rank in the fleet. 

2 Her dimensions were : Tons, 384 ; length, 100 feet ; 
beam, 32 feet ; depth, 12 feet. 

3 S.P. Dom. ccv. 55. In the Armada lists the Makeshift 
appears as a private vessel in Drake's division. The Cygnet, 
which in 1587 appears as a private vessel, in 1588 appears in the 
navy lists. 

4 See 'The Valiant Fight, &c.,' in Hakluyt, April 24, 1590. 
Of the present squadron three at least were engaged the 
Solomon, the Margaret and John, and the Minion. The 
French Relladon speaks of the Merchant Royal as of the 
same class as the Queen's ships, and also says there were besides 


little short of them. Drake himself had fitted out 
four other vessels and the remainder were West- 
Country craft, whose value he had proved again and 

The details of the fleet as then formed are as 
follows : 

The Queen four ships : Eliz. Bonaventure, 
550 tons, Sir Francis Drake; Golden Lion, 550 
tons, Wm. Borough, Vice-Admiral ; Dreadnought, 
400 tons, Thos. Fenner ; Rainbow, 500 tons, Henry 
Bellingham ; and two pinnaces : Spy, 50 tons, Capt. 
Clifford; Makeshift, 50 tons, Captain Bostocke. 1 

The Lord Admiral one ship: White Lion, 150 
tons ; and one pinnace : the Cygnet, 25 tons. 

The Levant Company's Squadron seven ships : 
Merchant Royal, 400 tons, Capt. Flick, rear- 
admiral ; Susan, 350 tons ; Edward Bonaventure, 
300 tons ; Margaret and John, 210 tons ; Solomon, 
200 tons ; George Bonaventure, 1 50 tons ; Thomas 
Bonaventure, 150 tons. 

Drake's Squadron four ships and barks : 
Minion, 200 tons ; Thomas, 200 tons; bark Haw- 
kyns, 130 tons ; Elizabeth, 70 tons. 

Other vessels one ship : The Little John, 100 
tons ; and three pinnaces : the Drake, 80 tons ; 
Speedwell, 50 tons ; Post, 30 tons. 

Total : ships, 1 6 ; pinnaces, 7. 

The four vessels of Drake's squadron I attribute 
to him, since they appear at the end of Fenner's 

' Deux gallions fort bien faictz pour la guerre du port de 200 ton- 
neaulx,' but the report is too inaccurate to deserve much weight. 
See pos /, p. 1 1 6. 

1 Probably Capt. John Bostocke, who commanded the Tiger 
in 1588, and the Hope in 1590. 



official list and amount together to the 300 tons for 
which he was credited in the accounts. The Minion, 
however, seems to have been a London ship, for a 
vessel of that name was in the action with the galleys 
in 1590, but he and his friends may have chartered 

With this force his instructions were, in view of 
the menacing intelligence from Spain, ' to prevent 
or withstand any enterprise as might be attempted 
against her Highnesses dominions,' and especially 
by preventing the concentration of the various 
squadrons Philip was preparing. As to how he 
was to do this he was left an entirely free hand, 
if at least we may believe his Vice-Admiral. Off 
Cape St. Vincent Borough professed to recite 
the Queen's instructions, as follows : ' For that by 
information the King of Spain is preparing a great 
army by sea, part at Lisbon, other in Andalucia, and 
within the Straits, all which was judged should meet 
at Lisbon and the same come for England or some 
part of her Majesty's dominions ; her Majesty's 
pleasure is by advice of her Highness's Council 
that you with these ships now under your charge 
should come hither to this Cape, and up this coast 
and seek by all the best means you can to impeach 
their purpose and stop their meeting at Lisbon if it 
might be ; whereof the manner how is referred to 
your discretion.' Walsyngham, in writing to Sir 
Edward Stafford, the English ambassador at Paris, 
gives some additional details. ' His commission is,' 
he says, ' to impeach the joining together of the 
King of Spain's fleets out of their several ports, to 
keep victuals from them, to follow them in case they 


should be come forward towards England or Ireland 
and to cut off as many of them as he could and 
impeach their landing ; as also to set upon such as 
should either come out of the West or East Indies 
into Spain or go out of Spain thither,' and finally he 
adds he was ' particularly directed to distress the 
ships within the havens themselves.' 

No instructions could have been more satisfac- 
tory. Indeed they are those which he tried so hard 
the following year to get sanctioned, showing how 
he had grasped already the great secret of naval 
strategy. As usual, however, he had hardly hoisted 
his flag before more timid counsels prevailed. 
Elizabeth seems to have been brought to believe 
that by a reported relaxation in his preparations 
Philip was evincing a desire for peace, and that an 
understanding might yet be come to if he were not 
provoked too far. Formal orders were therefore 
sent down from the Council greatly restricting 
Drake's former freedom of action, and these from 
what followed are of deep importance. ' You shall 
forbear,' they ran, ' to enter forcibly into any of the 
said King's ports or havens, or to offer any violence 
to any of his towns or shipping within harbouring, 
or to do any act of hostility upon the land ; ' but 
short of this he was to do his best to capture and 
bring home ' (avoiding as much as may be the 
shedding of Christian blood) such shipping of the 
said King or his subjects as you shall find at sea 
either going from thence to the East or West Indies, 
or returning from the said Indies into Spain.' The 
obvious intention of these orders was to reduce the 
operations to the level of general reprisal, and they 



undoubtedly represent a reviving influence of the 
Spanish and peace elements in the Council. 
Leicester was away again in the Netherlands, nearly 
all Drake's friends were under a cloud for the 
execution of Mary, and Walsyngham single-handed 
had been unable to stem the tide of Spanish 

But Drake knew what to expect. He had 
reached Plymouth on March 23. Since then he had 
worked so desperately that in a week all was ready, 
and this in spite of every kind of difficulty which, 
as he believed, his enemies had thrown in his way. 
At the last moment numbers of his seamen had 
deserted, ' and we all think,' wrote Drake to Wal- 
syngham, smelling treason at every obstacle, ' by 
some practice of some adversaries to the action by 
letters written.' Nothing daunted, with lavish 
bounties and untiring energy, he replaced them with 
soldiers, writing to the Lord Admiral to demand 
the punishment of the deserters. All was now ready 
except for the Levant ships, which, delayed by 
contrary winds, had not been able to make Plymouth. 
On April i, however, they succeeded in joining 
him, and then, without permitting a day's delay to 
risk a change in his orders, he put to sea the next 
morning. So it was that when the Council's 
messenger reached Plymouth with the unwelcome 
orders the Sound was empty. Drake had flown. 
The despatch was at once sent after him in a 
pinnace. The messenger, it is said, was a 'base 
of Hawkyns, and the pinnace Wynter's, and 


this, perhaps, is why the gales it encountered were 
found of such a nature as to compel its return with 


the new orders undelivered, and a fat prize in 

Thus had Drake gone on his way with full 
authority to take a vigorous offensive in Spanish 
waters. The special direction to destroy shipping 
in the ports was even wide enough to cover the 
seizure of the defences that protected them. It is 
true that Borough afterwards declared that the 
Lord Admiral had particularly warned Drake he 
was not to land, but the amended instructions in 
expressly directing him not to do so are at least 
strong evidence that Howard's prohibition cannot 
have been official, nor is it likely that if Drake had 
been debarred from shore operations he would have 
carried with him a regularly organised land force, as 
he certainly did. It consisted of ten, or perhaps 
eight, companies under Captain Anthony Platt as 
Lieutenant-General, with Captain John Marchant 
as his ' Sergeant-Major.' The names of the other 
eight captains, including, possibly, Platt's and 
Marchant' s captain - lieutenants, were Crosse, 
Parker, Thomas and Edward Fenner, Poole, 
Spindelowe, Sydenham, and Manington. Each 
had a lieutenant, an ensign, two sergeants, and 
four corporals. The other staff officers were 
Philip Nicholls, chaplain ; John Harges, standard- 
bearer ; William Stallenge, muster-master ; and John 
Flower, clerk of the cheque. 

The despatches and other papers, in the case of 
this voyage, will be found very full, affording a 
continuous and detailed account of all the operations 
with the exception of the capture of the great 
carrack. A full narrative of the expedition was 


written by one Robert Leng, and included by 
Hakluyt in his collection. Another shorter account 
was printed for the Camden Society in a small col- 
lection of papers relating to this voyage published 
in the fifth volume of their ' Miscellany/ Neither of 
them, however, do justice to the naval operations 
or show the real significance of Drake's movements 
as the despatches disclose them. From these it is 
clear that Drake did not attach so great an im- 
portance to his exploit in Cadiz harbour as has 
since been attributed to it. For him the seizure of 
the St. Vincent station was of far greater con- 
sequence. In Cadiz he had but singed the King of 
Spain's beard, as he said. By retaining the St. 
Vincent station, which he hoped to be able to do 
with fresh supplies and reinforcements from home, 
he saw clearly he could paralyse the mobilisation of 
the Armada, and prevent its ever putting to sea. 
Of this the despatches leave no doubt. Brilliant as 
was his dash on Cadiz, the living interest of the 
campaign lies in the subsequent movements by 
which he sought to effect his purpose. It is only 
from the Spanish authorities, published by Captain 
Duro in his ' Armada Invencible ' and his 'Armada 
Espanola,' that we can measure the sagacity and 
success of his operations. As the first example of 
true naval strategy in the modern sense, no less 
than as affording a conspicuous instance of how the 
mobilisation of a vastly superior naval force can be 
dislocated by a small well-handled fleet, the second 
part of the campaign is still worthy of detailed 

In Cadiz harbour Drake had gained complete 


information of the point to which the preparations 
of the Armada had reached. The situation into 
which he had broken was this. At Lisbon, as the 
point of concentration, the Marquis de Santa Cruz 
had established his headquarters, and here he was 
busy accumulating victuals and stores, and superin- 
tending the fitting out of the Portuguese galleons 
which Philip had acquired by his late conquest, and 
which, as the backbone of the fleet, were to form 
the Commander-in-Chief's own squadron. Here 
too was the Medici galleon sent by the Grand Duke 
of Tuscany, as a symbol of his adherence to his 
kinsman's great design, and a few vessels of lesser 
degree ; but as yet neither seamen nor soldiers had 
been mustered to man them. In the north at 
Passages, Oquendo, an officer who had highly dis- 
tinguished himself at Santa Cruz's victory over the 
French under Strozzi, off St. Michael's, in 1582 and 
elsewhere, and had been appointed Captain-General 
of the Armada of Guipuscoa, was organising a 
squadron from the fine sea-going craft of that pro- 
vince, and besides a large vessel of his own he had 
six ships and four pinnaces nearly ready for sea. 
Cruising somewhere about Cape St. Vincent was 
Recalde, a veteran of long and varied service, who, 
as the finest seaman after Santa Cruz in Spain, was 
destined for Vice- Admiral of the Armada. He was 
now in command of a similar squadron, consisting 
of a great-ship of his own with six or seven other 
Biscayan ships and five pinnaces. He was probably, 
according to the usual practice, cruising to cover 
the arrival of the homeward-bound American fleets, 
but an urgent order was immediately sent to him 


from the India Office at Seville to take his squadron 
into Lisbon. At Cadiz, where the ships of the 
Andalucian province had been concentrated, there 
were fifteen fine vessels which had escaped Drake's 
attack. At Cartagena, within the Straits, were six 
great Levanters from Sicily, whence they had 
brought Don Diego Pimentel and his famous 
Sicilian tertia of infantry for service in the Enter- 
prise and a large supply of guns for the armament 
of the fleet. At the same port were almost daily 
expected from Naples four of the world-renowned 
Italian galleasses and two more Levanters, with 
more guns and the Neapolitan tertia. At Cadiz or 
St. Lucar was a squadron of about a score of barks 
and pinnaces and thirty ureas or hulks for victuallers, 
and besides these a number of vessels, of which 
Drake had destroyed four, were preparing to leave 
with the New Spain convoy. The remainder that 
had survived the English attack Philip now ordered 
to be requisitioned for the Armada. The galleons 
of the Indian Guard were apparently as usual on 
the Azores station awaiting the homeward-bound 
convoys. These, though of course a most im- 
portant item in Philip's available naval strength, it 
was not as yet intended to place at Santa Cruz's 
disposal. 1 

1 The above details are mainly from the papers collected by 
Duro in his Armada Invencible. A paper purporting to be a 
copy of Santa Cruz's official report to the King in June which the 
Venetian ambassador sent home gives them as follows ( Venet. 
Cal. viii. 286) : 

Lisbon. 13 galleons of Portugal, 2 great-ships, 8 other 
vessels, i galleon of the Duke of Florence, i small galley, 
and Recalde's Biscayans. 

Gibraltar. 6 ships from Sicily, 4 great galleys. 


The injury, therefore, which Drake had done in 
Cadiz to the actual force of the Armada was small. 
It remained for him to prevent the concentration at 
Lisbon, which was on the point of being made, and 
to endeavour to capture the homeward-bound 
American fleets. What at the moment his intention 
was we do not know. His course as he disap- 
peared from Cadiz was due west. The Spaniards at 
once concluded he was bound for the Azores with the 
intention of intercepting the home-coming convoys. 
On their safe arrival Spanish credit hung, and in a 
fever of anxiety Philip ordered Santa Cruz to put to 
sea immediately to save them. He replied he had 
no men, and could not move. The soldiers he had 
expected had been diverted to the defence of Cadiz ; 
the sailors he looked for to complete his crews had 
been on the ships that Drake had destroyed ; 
and all Philip could do was to hurry off orders to 
Cartagena for the Sicilian tertia to disembark 
and proceed across Spain by forced marches to 
Lisbon. A few days later he heard Drake had 
reappeared on the coast to the north of Cape St. 
Vincent. His fear now was for the Levanters, and 
alarmed lest they had proceeded without their 
troops to Lisbon, he directed them to be intercepted 
at Cadiz till further orders. 

What had happened seems to have been this. 
Shortly after leaving Cadiz, Drake intercepted at 
sea the orders which had been sent to Recalde 
directing him at once to retire into Lisbon, and thus 

Cartagena. 2 ships from Naples. 
Biscay. 15 galleons. 

The last item is certainly a mistake. The Biscay vessels 
were not galleons. 



ascertained the Spanish admiral's whereabouts. 
Whatever were Drake's original intentions, he at 
once resolved to make a dash to capture the isolated 
squadron. Nothing could have been sounder. At 
one blow he would severely cripple the Armada and 
dislocate the protective system of the Indies trade, 
making the capture of some rich prizes almost 
certain. Unfortunately calms and contrary winds 
prevented the rapid movement that was essential to 
success. When Drake reached Recalde's station he 
was gone. As high as fifteen leagues north of the 
Cape he sought him, but the wary old seaman was 
nowhere to be found. He had succeeded in retiring 
his squadron into Lisbon untouched. 

Having thus failed to catch Recalde, he imme- 
diately turned his attention to establishing himself 
at a point from which he could prevent any further 
concentration, and to interrupt all coastwise com- 
munication between the headquarters at Lisbon and 
the Andalucian and Mediterranean ports. For 
this purpose he resolved to return and seize Cape 
St. Vincent. In vain his cautious Vice-Admiral 
protested. Drake's reply was to dismiss him from 
his command and place him under arrest. He then 
landed, and having destroyed all the batteries which 
commanded the anchorage and watering places, 
was able to interpose his fleet between the two 
main divisions of the Armada. Thus secured 
he at once began to operate from his new base. 
His first move was to destroy the Algarve tunny 
fisheries on which, since the destruction of the 
Spanish Newfoundland fleet by Bernard Drake, 
the Armada mainly depended for its supply of salt 


fish. His next was to appear before Lisbon ; but 
what his object was beyond a reconnaissance perhaps 
he himself hardly knew. There can be small doubt 
that it was on this occasion that he obtained the 
intimate knowledge of the channels and defences of 
the port on which the following year he grounded 
his refusal to attack it with the small force placed at 
his command. Lisbon at this time was probably 
the most powerfully defended sea-port in the world, 
and with its magnificent harbour admirably adapted 
for the headquarters of a great fleet. In the elabo- 
rate apology for his conduct of the Armada cam- 
paign, which Drake procured to be written by 
Petruccio Ubaldino, the Florentine historian, 1 we 
are given a detailed account of the place as it then 
was. Outside the bar to the north was an anchor- 
age commanded by Cascaes Castle, which was 
situated on the western point of the Bay. Some 
seven miles to the eastward, and immediately oppo- 
site the northern end of the bar, lay the powerful 
fort known as St. Julian's. This was the most 
serious obstacle, for immediately beneath its guns 
passed the North or Main Channel, which in itself 
was so difficult that ships usually took special pilots 
for each section of it. The only way of avoiding 
this formidable work was to pass in by the channel 
at the opposite or southern end of the bar, but this, 
again, was even more dangerous than the other. 
Sectional pilots were here compulsory, and it was 
further defended by an old fort known as the Torre 
Veijo. The bar being passed by one of these two 
tortuous channels, the actual entrance to the river is 
1 Brit. Museum, Regia AfSS. 14, A. xi. 


reached, and here, in the midst of the fair-way lay a 
rocky island which was occupied by the Fortaleza 
de Bethlehem, known to the English as Belem. 
Beyond this, again, where the river opened out into 
the port were the batteries of the city itself; and, 
besides all these dangers and the guns of the ships 
already assembled, there was the regular squadron 
of galleys attached to the port. 

It was on May 10 that Drake appeared off the 
river and came to anchor in Cascaes Bay. In 
St. Julian's Castle was the Marquis of Santa Cruz 
commanding in person, and snug under its guns 
could be seen seven galleys with their oars out ready 
for immediate action. As luck would have it, it fell 
dead calm, giving them a splendid opportunity to 
attack the English at their anchors. Yet not a 
galley stirred ; perhaps the Cadiz lesson had been 
too sharp ; and all day Drake rode in triumph, where 
he was ' in contempt of the said town of Cascaes, its 
castle, and the galleys/ while his light oared- vessels 
hunted down every coaster that came in sight, 
driving them upon the rocks or capturing them 
under the Marquis's eyes. ' The Marquis of Santa 
Cruz,' wrote Drake in his complacent way, ' seeing 
us chase his ships ashore was content to suffer us 
there quietly to tarry and never charged us with one 
cannon shot.' l 

1 The Spaniards said Drake threatened a landing at Cascaes, 
and only desisted because he heard the Portuguese would resist 
it (' The King to Medina-Sidonia ; ' Duro, Armada Inven. Doc. 
21). They also say Don Alonso de Bazan, Santa Cruz's brother, 
did attack with the galleys, but could do no damage, because the 
English guns were heavier and of longer range, which seems tan- 
tamount to saying that he did not attack at all (see Venetian 
Calendar, viii. 283). From this report it also appears that they 


As Santa Cruz would not come out and Drake 
saw plainly he could not go in, he again attempted 
to arrange an exchange of his prisoners against 
English galley-slaves, and at the same time de- 
manded whether the King intended that year to 
make war in England. Santa Cruz sent reply that 
he had no Englishmen prisoners, and that the King 
was not provided for war that year. Both state- 
ments the English believed to be false, but the 
second was certainly true, though as yet Philip did 
not realise it. Drake returned answer that having 
twice been refused an exchange, he should sell his 
Spanish prisoners to the Moors and with the pur- 
chase money redeem Englishmen in their captivity. 
To this message he added taunts and insults, chal- 
lenging the Marquis to come out and fight him, but 
all was of no avail. Santa Cruz could not move a 
ship, and though all next day Drake stood off and 
on outside the bar capturing or driving ashore 
everything that came in sight, not a finger was 
stirred against him. In the evening a northerly 
gale began to blow up, and being now assured of 
the impossibility of attacking the place with the 
force at his disposal and that he had nothing to 
fear from Santa Cruz, he ran before it and took up 
the anchorage he had secured under Cape St. 
Vincent. In not attempting Lisbon he was doubt- 
less well advised, although he certainly seems to 
have contemplated the exploit. ' Drake,' wrote 
Ubaldino on the Admiral's own information, 'at the 
beginning of the assembling of the enemy's armada 

thought it was only the failure of the wind that saved Lisbon 
from the fate of Cadiz. 


was assured that in a certain way he could do it 
hurt, notwithstanding the fortresses that are there.' 
Judging from his previous exploits we may assume 
that this ' certain way ' meant by the co-operation of 
troops against St. Julian's, and that his reason for 
not attempting the operation was that his crews 
were so much crippled with disease that he regarded 
them as inadequate to furnish a proper force for 
landing. 1 

1 It is very generally said (see Froude, Hist, of England^ xii. 
295, &c. ; English Seamen, 183 ; Green, Hist, of the English 
People) that the reason of Drake's retiring from Lisbon was the 
receipt of positive orders from the Queen that he was not to 
attack the place. The receipt of this message is nowhere men- 
tioned in any of the narratives or despatches. The idea seems to 
have arisen from a despatch written by Drake to Walsyngham, 
bearing date June 2, 1587. Though it is thus placed amongst the 
Domestic State Papers (ccii. 7), the date is clearly a mistake for 
1589. On June 2, 1587, Drake was in mid-ocean half-way from 
St. Vincent to the Azores, a most unlikely time for him to have 
written a despatch relating to exploits on the Spanish coasts, 
a full account of which he already had sent home by Captain 
Parker, on May 22, on the eve of sailing for the Azores (S.P. 
Dom. cci. 38, and ' Newes out of Spain,' reprinted in C.S. Misc. 
v. 42). Moreover, internal evidence makes the matter quite 
clear. The despatch refers to the destruction of provisions at 
Coruna and Lisbon, and the capture of sixty provision ships. 
From Drake's other despatches, it is certain none of these things 
happened during the expedition of 1587. They did occur, how- 
ever, during the expedition of 1589. On June 2, 1589, Norreys 
and he had just failed in their attempt on Lisbon, and hence 
the expression of regret that he had been forbidden to begin his 
operations at Lisbon. It is the expression of this regret in the 
despatch in question that seems to have led to the idea that 
fresh orders from the Queen reached him at Lisbon in 1587. 
Mr. Froude, relying on the date assigned to this despatch, even 
makes Drake, in 1587, attack Coruna, which he certainly did not. 
Finally, Drake says he is about to cruise in search of booty 
(' some little comfortable dew of heaven,' as he calls it). This 
we know was his intention on the first week of June, 1589 (see 
' Norreys and Drake to the Council,' S.P. Dom. ccxxiv. 85, 
June 5, 1589). 



The unhappy condition of the fleet served 
further to demonstrate the strategical value of his 
daring capture of St. Vincent. The old enemy, 
which throughout the war continued to thwart the 
most sagacious conceptions of the English admirals, 
was so heavily upon him that it had become neces- 
sary to weed away the invalids and to refresh the 
sound men ashore and cleanse the ships. At Cape 
St. Vincent he could now do this unmolested ; and 
for a week he was occupied in changing his foul 
ballast, washing down and disinfecting the whole 
fleet, and giving the men spells ashore. Nor was 
this all. They now had full information of how 
completely the station they had taken up was para- 
lysing the Spanish dispositions. ' We hold this 
cape,' wrote Fenner, ' so greatly to our benefit and 
so much to their disadvantage as it is a great bless- 
ing the obtaining thereof; for the rendezvous is at 
Lisbon, where we understand of some twenty-five 
ships and seven galleys. [As for] the rest, we lie 
between home and them, so as the body is without 
the members, and they cannot come together.' 
Drake at this time felt he had secured the key of 
the situation, and sent home an appeal for reinforce- 
ments that he might cling to it. ' As long as it 
shall please God,' he wrote to Walsyngham, ' to give 
us provisions to eat and drink, and that our ships 
and wind and weather will permit us, you shall 
surely hear of us near the Cape St. Vincent, where 
we do and will expect daily what her Majesty's 
and your honours will further command. God make 
us all thankful that her Majesty sent out these few 
ships in time. If there were here six more of her 


Majesty's good ships of the second sort we should 
be the better able to keep the forces from joining, 
and haply take or impeach his fleets from all places 
in the next month and so after, which is the chiefest 
times of their returns home ; which I judge in my 
poor opinion will bring this great monarchy to those 
conditions which are meet.' 

So sure was Drake of his position, or else so much 
occupied with business in hand, that his scouting does 
not seem to have been done as well as usual. For 
on the 1 8th a negro, hotly pursued, was seen making 
his escape to an English shore party, and being 
carried on board the flag-ship, he reported that ten 
galleys had just arrived at Lagos. The meaning 
of this was that on Drake's departure from Cadiz 
for an unknown destination Philip had ordered the 
Count of Santa Gadea to proceed with his squadron 
of galleys to the south coast of Portugal, if the 
English were reported in that direction. In order 
to ascertain the truth his instructions were to cruise 
as far as Cape St. Vincent, and if he received in- 
telligence that Drake had gone on to any other 
port of Portugal he was to follow, and, if possible, 
join hands with Santa Cruz in Lisbon. 1 It must 
have been his squadron that the negro reported at 
Lagos. Drake at once made sail and proceeded 
eastwards, sweeping the coast, as usual, with his 
light squadron as he went. Coming abreast of 
Lagos he found the galleys still lying off the place, 
and immediately attacked. At his first broadsides, 
however, Santa Gadea retired among the reefs and 
took up a position where the shoal water would 
1 Duro, Arm. In-ven. Doc. 21, p. 348. 

b 2 


not permit the English ships to approach within 
cannon shot. In vain Drake's pinnaces again played 
havoc with the coast craft ; the galleys would not be 
tempted out. At night it came on to blow, and he 
put to sea ; but, doubling back, he reappeared at 
Lagos next morning. Still the galleys had not 
ventured to stir. Moving further to the eastward, 
still destroying as he went, he landed four hundred 
men near Albufeira and burnt a fishing village. 1 
Even this would not draw the galleys, and Drake 
returned to his anchorage in Sagres Bay. 

Meanwhile Philip had heard of Drake's demon- 
stration at Lisbon, and was forced once more to 
change all his orders. Believing that Pimentel by 
this time must have reached Cadiz with his tertia and 
his cargo of guns in the six Sicilian vessels, he sent 
orders down to Medina-Sidonia, at Cadiz, that if 
Santa Gadea had not, in obedience to previous 
orders, left for the Portuguese coast, he was immedi- 
ately to take Pimentel's tertia and the guns on board 
his galleys, together with a body of 600 troops that 
had been mustered for the Indies fleet, and proceed 
with all speed to Lisbon. If the galleys had sailed, 
Pimentel was to land and proceed by forced marches 
to Santa Cruz's relief ; and if by chance the galleys 
were still at Cadiz, and the local officers thought it 
unsafe for them to leave the port uncovered for any 
length of time, they were to embark the troops, and 

1 This episode is related only by Leng. He calls the place 
Algaferra. The Venetian ambassador also reports it : ' He has 
had,' he writes, ' an engagement with twelve of the galleys at 
Lagos. It lasted all day with a heavy cannonade, which, how- 
ever, produced little effect, and they were parted by a storm ' 
( Venetian Calendar^ viii. 283). 


instead of taking them to Lisbon to land them at the 
nearest point they could to shorten the march thither. 
As to the ships, they were to wait where they were 
until the Neapolitan squadron arrived with the 
galleasses. 1 Two days later, having heard that 
Drake had disappeared from Lisbon and convinced 
that now he must be bound to intercept the Indies 
convoys, the King ordered Santa Cruz to man the 
Portuguese galleons with the troops that were 
coming by land and the men of Recalde's squadron, 
and proceed to sea immediately, in order to prevent 
the disaster which would completely ruin his shat- 
tered finances ; and at the same time Medina-Sidonia 
was instructed to get the ships in Cadiz ready, so 
that the moment the galleasses arrived they could 
all put to sea together and join Santa Cruz at Cape 
St. Vincent. 2 Two days later again, the situation 
was changed a third time by the news that Drake 
had reappeared at St. Vincent. Santa Cruz now 
wrote that he was sure Drake's object was to 
prevent the Cadiz divisions joining those at Lisbon, 
which he had convinced himself could not move. 
He therefore urgently pressed for the Sicilian tertia 
to be sent to the Tagus overland by forced marches 
that he might get to sea and fight Drake before he 
received the reinforcements, which it was believed 
he was expecting, and which indeed seem to have 
been actually in preparation at home. 3 

1 Duro, Arm.Inven. Doc. 21, May 25, 'The King to Medina- 

2 Ibid. Doc. 22 and 23. 

3 * Four of Her Majesty's ships with six sail of the merchants 
are ready to go towards Sir Francis ; ' ' Goche to the Earl of 
Rutland,' June 19, 1587. Belvoir Papers, Hist. MSS. Com. 
Rep. XII. iv 219. 


Philip therefore repeated his former orders to 
Cadiz with renewed emphasis. Meanwhile, how- 
ever, the officers at that port, burning to retrieve 
their reputation and not caring perhaps to play 
second fiddle to Santa Cruz, instead of obeying the 
King's first order, had sent him word that in a week 
or ten days' time they could put to sea with sixty 
sail, not counting the Neapolitan squadron, of 
which there was still no news, and that they were 
prepared to drive Drake from his station, and 
having defeated him to join Santa Cruz in triumph. 
To this course Philip weakly committed himself, 
entrusting the command of the proposed move- 
ment to Santa Gadea. 1 A week went by, and 
nothing came from Cadiz except reports of all 
kinds of difficulties in getting the ships ready for 
sea, and the King sent down Don Alonso de Leyva, 
the most brilliant officer at his Court, to inspect 
the preparations and push things forward. Having 
during the war of Granada and in the Low Countries 
achieved a reputation which made him the pattern 
of Spanish chivalry and soldiership, Leyva had 
been made Captain-General of the Sicilian galleys. 
From this command he was promoted to be Captain- 
General of the Milanese Cavalry, and having re- 
signed this high office in order to serve in the 
Enterprise of England, he had recently arrived at 
Court in the full tide of his master's favour and the 
people's admiration. Yet for all the new life and 
vigour which he brought he could not stir the inert 
machine. Drake with his single squadron had 
thrown everything out of gear ; the galleasses were 
1 Duro, Doc. 26. 



still unheard of; and Philip, in despair, a fourth 
time changed his plan. The troops were to be 
taken in the galleys across the gulf of Cadiz and 
landed at Ayamonte in the mouth of the Guadiana ; 
and so by river and road to make their way with 
all speed to Lisbon. For the news the King dreaded 
had come. Drake had sailed for the Azores. 

The motive of this sudden movement Drake 
does not disclose. On April 17, as we have seen, 
he announced his intention of continuing on the 
station he had seized, and asked for reinforcements. 
On the 2ist, after the ineffectual attempt to destroy 
the galleys at Lagos, he wrote another despatch 
saying he was sending home his sick in some of his 
prizes, and asking that the best of these vessels 
might be sent back to him. He also wrote a short 
letter to Burghley informing him he had dismissed 
Borough from his command, but neither he nor 
Fenner hint at the western cruise. The following 
day the vessels detailed for home parted company, 
and Drake with the rest of the fleet stood on his 
course. The explanation which Monson gives is 
that he had obtained information of a rich carrack 
homeward bound from the East Indies which had 
been wintering at Mozambique, and which was con- 
sequently expected to arrive that month. This is 
almost certainly the truth. We know the San 
Felipe as the carrack was called was a source of 
special anxiety to the King, and that Drake was 
believed by him to be receiving full information 
from spies ashore. 1 Monson adds that Drake's men 
wanted to go home and begged him to do so, and 
1 Venetian Cal. viii. 283. 


that it was only by fair speeches that he induced 
them to make the attempt. 

For three days it blew with such violence that 
all the Londoners lost touch and the Bonaventure 
herself came near foundering. When the gale had 
blown itself out nearly the whole of the merchantmen 
had disappeared, and only ten vessels were in com- 
pany. They seem to have included all six of the 
Queen's vessels, and the force, therefore, was still 
formidable ; but the same day, while the Bona- 
venture was repairing damages, a remarkable 
incident occurred which still further reduced Drake's 
strength. A strange sail was sighted to leeward, 
and Marchant in the Lion, upon which Borough, 
the Vice-Admiral, was under arrest, gave chase 
in company with the Spy. She had been lying 
considerably to leeward of the pinnace, and was the 
first to fetch up the chase. It proved to be one 
of their own homeward-bound ships ; but instead of 
beating up to resume her place in the fleet, the 
Lion was seen to stand away before the wind for 
home, while the Spy pinnace returned alone to 
the flag-ship. On board her was Captain Marchant. 
He had to report that, when he had ordered the 
vessel to go about, the crew with the boatswain at 
their head had refused to carry out the master's 
directions. They were short-handed, they said, and 
water and victuals were low, and they preferred to 
stand to the Queen's mercy than to court certain 
death with Drake. In vain Marchant reasoned with 
them. He believed that Borough was at the 
bottom of the whole affair, and finally, finding it 
impossible to bring the men to obedience, he had 


deserted the ship rather than desert his admiral. 
Drake was furious. Summoning the council of war, 
he empanelled a jury to try the mutineers. They 
were found guilty, and as the Lion disappeared 
below the horizon he sentenced Borough and all the 
chief officers of the ship to death. 

Every hope that Drake may have cherished of 
returning to complete his work on the Spanish coast 
was now at an end. But still, storm beaten and 
deserted as he was, his project against the Indian 
convoys was clung to pertinaciously, and with the nine 
vessels that remained he held on for the Azores. On 
the morning of June 8, sixteen days out from St. 
Vincent, St. Michael's rose in sight. Towards 
evening as they neared the island a very large vessel 
was made out under the land. Judging her to be 
a man-of-war, Drake ordered the Rainbow to 
heave-to and stand by two of the pinnaces which 
had fallen astern, while he himself held on for the 
stranger. At day-break his care was rewarded by 
seeing her apparently making towards him. On a 
stiff breeze he at once made all sail to meet her, and 
before he had reached a league he could see she was 
a huge Portuguese carrack, and knew he had found 
the splendid prize he had come to seek. She came 
on dipping her flag again and again as an invitation 
to the strangers to declare their colours. ' But we,' 
says an eye-witness, ' knowing what she was, would 
put out no flag until we were within shot of her, 
when we hanged out flags, streamers, and pendants, 
that she might be out of doubt what we were. 
Which done, we hailed her with cannon-shot ; and 
having shot her through divers times, she shot at us, 


sometimes at one, sometimes at another. Then we 
began to ply her hotly, our flyboat and one of our 
pinnaces lying athwart her hawse, at whom she shot 
and threw fireworks, but did them no hurt, for that 
her ordnance lay so high over them. Then she 
seeing us ready to lay her aboard, all of our ships 
a-plying her so hotly and resolutely determined to 
make short [work] of her, six of her men being slain 
and divers sore hurt, they yielded unto us.' 1 

She proved indeed to be the San Felipe, the 
King of Spain's own East-Indiaman, 'the greatest 
ship in all Portugal, richly laden, to our happy joy and 
great gladness.' No such prize had ever been seen. 
In her hold were hundreds of tons of spices and 
precious gums, chests upon chests of costly china, 
bales of silks and velvets, and coffers of bullion and 
jewels. With her gems, furniture, and cargo, she 
was valued eventually at ii4,ooo/., or not far short 
of a million of our money, and besides, beyond all 
value, there were the whole of her papers disclosing 
the long kept secrets of the East India trade. 2 

For Drake there was nothing more to do but 
make the best of his way home to secure his prize 
and seek reinforcements for the completion of his 
work on the Spanish coast. This accordingly he 
did, and on June 26, just three months after he had 
sailed, he anchored in Plymouth Sound with his 

1 Leng. 

2 It is usually said that it was these papers which stirred 
the London merchants to form the East India Company, and that 
in this way Drake's prize was the foundation of our Indian 
Empire. It should be noted, however, that the Muscovy Company, 
and others, had endeavoured to open trade to the far East, as an 
immediate result of Drake's treaty with Ternate in 1579. 


splendid booty and a reputation unsurpassed in 

In all those wars there was no campaign to 
match that of 1587. 'The truth is,' wrote the 
Venetian ambassador, ' that he has done so much 
damage on these coasts of Spain alone, that though 
the King were to obtain a most signal victory 
against him he would not recover one half the loss 
he has suffered.' Even Monson, the harshest of 
critics, pronounced it to be without flaw. To this 
day it may serve as the finest example of how a 
small well-handled fleet, carrying a compact landing 
force and acting on a nicely timed offensive, may 
paralyse the mobilisation of an overwhelming force. 
We have seen how, when Drake had once secured 
his well-chosen station, he had merely to shift his 
position now and again, and to every centre orders 
came tripping up each other's heels, till the whole 
system of the enemy was in tangled confusion. 
Nor even with his disappearance did the effects of 
his masterly movements cease. As he left the coast 
we have seen Philip, for the fourth time, changing 
plans. 1 The troops were to proceed to Lisbon by 
land and the ships to endeavour to slip round in the 
enemy's absence, so soon as the Neapolitan squadron 
joined. But on no account were they to move 
without it, ' because the people that come in the 
galleasses of Naples are of so much importance by 
reason of the service they have seen, and the rest are 
all new, and not very expert either at sea or in 
arms.' 2 So for fear lest Drake might return, as he 
had done before, no movement was possible. For 
1 Duro, Arm. Inven. Doc. 28, June i-io. 2 Ibid. Doc. 30. 


the Neapolitan squadron did not come. June wore 
away, and Philip, with ruin staring him in face, 
sent down orders that the Cadiz division must sail 
without the galleasses, and trust to the galleys for 
protection. 1 He was trembling for the Flota of the 
Spanish Main, which he knew had sailed with the 
year's produce of Peru, and his idea was for the 
Cadiz and Lisbon divisions to concentrate at Cape 
St. Vincent and save it.* ' Please God,' wrote 
the Cardinal-Archduke from the seat of his Vice- 
royalty at Lisbon, ' to give it a happy voyage, and 
that it come to the salvation of Spain.' Of the 
invasion of England there was no longer a word. 
Drake had substituted for it a forlorn hope, that 
possibly by straining every nerve Spain might save 
herself from ruin. So great was the tension, that 
the heroic Santa Cruz, impatient of delay, threw 
Philip's tangled orders to the winds, and the moment 
the troops reached Lisbon put to sea, sending the 
King word he was bound for the Azores to save the 
gold fleet, and that he had ordered the Cadiz division 
to follow when and how it could. This was in the 
last days of June ; and thus as Drake puts in to 
Plymouth in triumph with his prize, we see his 
splendid enemy fooled into wasting his strength in 
a wild-goose chase to avert a danger that did not 

It cannot be too much regretted that, over a 
campaign so brilliant and full of genius, a shadow 
should be cast by the unhappy relations between 
Drake and his Vice-Admiral. With this question 

1 Duro, Arm. Inven. Doc. 32, July 5. 

2 Ibid. Doc. 34. 


the bulk of papers are concerned. 1 The charges 
against Borough resolved themselves into four, 
(i) Cowardice at Cadiz. (2) Inciting to disobedi- 
ence there. (3) Insubordination off Cape St. 
Vincent. (4) Procuring the mutiny and desertion of 
the crew of the Lion. Drake certainly believed 
him guilty. Borough as certainly believed the 
charges were made in malice. High as feeling ran 
on the question at the time, it is now not difficult to 
judge between them. Comparing the circumstances 
of the case, as detailed in the evidence which is now 
before us, with Drake's conduct in the parallel case 
of Doughty on the voyage of circumnavigation, we 
may clearly discern the truth. 

Taking first the Cadiz charges, it must be re- 
membered that Borough was an old-fashioned 
officer grown grey in the naval traditions which 
Drake was making obsolete, and that Drake was 
engaged in an operation that was without precedent 
and that set at defiance all the recognised rules of 
warfare. Drake was a man as Ubaldino wrote 
who even by his admirers among the regular naval 
officers was to some extent mistrusted, as bred in 
irregular warfare and unfamiliar with the science of 
his profession. Borough was exactly the reverse, 
and felt he had been attached to Drake for the 
express purpose of tempering his rashness and sup- 
plying his lack of training. To this day the extent 
to which a subordinate officer of experience is en- 
titled to depart from orders which, in his judgment, 

1 The record of the proceedings at the court-martial have 
not been included, as they have recently been printed in full by 
Mr. Oppenheim, as an appendix to his Administration of the 
Royal Navy. 


are suicidal is still a moot point, and when Borough, 
as he says, took measures to secure his chief's re- 
treat and protect his rear, which Drake seemed to 
have entirely forgotten, there is no doubt he really 
felt he was doing his duty. That he acted with 
caution, and even an excess of caution, is hardly to 
be denied ; but it must be remembered that, as far 
as we know, Drake did not resent his behaviour at 
the time, and took no notice of it until after 
Borough's second offence. 

That Borough was very ready for disobedience 
is equally clear. It is difficult to read the recital 
of his services which his protest contains, with- 
out feeling that in his opinion Drake's position 
and his own ought to have been reversed. As 
an old Queen's officer, he cannot but have chafed 
at being made to serve under a man whom 
many regarded as little better than a pardoned 
pirate. Above all, he was piqued at Drake's con- 
duct of his command, and particularly at the way he 
neglected to consult the experience and wisdom of 
his Vice-Admiral. There is something almost 
humorously pathetic in his picture of Drake's per- 
functory way of holding a council of war, nor can we 
help sympathising with the injured veteran's chagrin. 
In those days the council of war was regarded as of 
much higher authority than it is now. By the tra- 
ditions of the service, as formulated by Henry VI I I.'s 
orders, it was a standing regulation that ' the ad- 
miral shall not take in hand any exploit to land or 
enter into any harbour of the enemy, but he shall 
call a council and make his captains privy to his 
device.' Through this tradition, as through so many 
others, Drake was the first to break. The obvious 


meaning of the rule was that he was to consult his 
captains on the propriety of such operations. Drake 
interpreted it by merely summoning his captains 
and telling them what he meant to do, and some- 
times, as Borough complained, not even so much. 
When, therefore, Drake merely announced his in- 
tention of destroying the batteries of Cape St. 
Vincent without any council being called, Borough 
could not be expected to refrain from seizing the 
very proper opportunity it afforded of relieving his 
feelings by a formal protest. No doubt he was 
glad enough of the chance, but he certainly be- 
lieved honestly he was doing his duty both to him- 
self and the service. Moreover, having never risen 
to the level of Drake's genius for naval strategy, he 
could see nothing in the operation but a foolhardy 
and vainglorious desire to win renown and insult the 
King of Spain, and it is clear that he believed his 
special mission was to prevent any such indulgences 
of Drake's ruling passion. 

To Drake the protest meant something very 
different. Once already on his great voyage he had 
found that a traitor had been attached to him for the 
purpose of thwarting his action against Spain, and 
the tragedy in which it ended cannot but have 
permanently warped his judgment. He must have 
known that there was a party at home bent on 
getting him prohibited from attacking Spanish terri- 
tory. He even suspected a design on their part of 
suborning his crews at the outset, and in Borough's 
honest protest he saw evidence of a new attempt to 
play, the old game upon him. In his eyes it was no 
mere breach of discipline, but, as he himself wrote, 


'it toucheth further.' The unhappy officer's conduct 
at Cadiz was displayed to him in a new light. The 
subsequent desertion of Borough's ship confirmed 
his worst suspicions, and the implacable animosity 
against the friends of Spain, that was part of his 
truculently patriotic nature, took possession of his 

On the whole then we may acquit both men of 
anything reprehensible. Both, no doubt, acted partly 
from pique. Drake resented Borough's pedagoguish 
and patronising attitude towards him. Borough re- 
sented Drake's contempt of his reputation. But both 
were actuated mainly by loyalty to what they believed 
were the highest interests of the service and the 
country, and each honestly believed the other to be 
a dangerous man. 

In mitigation of Drake's harshness it must be 
remembered that his position was extremely difficult. 
No regulations then existed in the navy for dealing 
with offending officers. The court-martial was not 
yet an institution. The only traditional rule of the 
service was that an insubordinate captain was to be 
set ashore and his conduct reported to the Council. 
This clearly only contemplated operations in the 
Narrow Seas. It could not be done at a distance. 
The first known precedent for a maritime tribunal 
was the court Drake formed for the trial of Doughty. 
It was, of course, ultra vires and illegal, but it was 
so far approved as to be adopted as a model in the 
general orders issued to Fenton in the succeeding 
voyage. The only reservation was that it was given 
no capital jurisdiction over superior officers. How 
far Drake's commission extended in this direction is 



not known, but again his conduct was so far approved 
that henceforth it became the practice to insert 
special judicial powers in the commissions of com- 
manding officers. 

On three grounds then this campaign may be 
regarded as founding an epoch in naval history. 
First, we have the birth of a sound and intelligent 
strategy as distinguished from the crude cross-raiding 
of the Middle Ages ; secondly, we have the final 
demonstration of the superiority of the sailing war- 
ship to the time-honoured galley, even on its own 
ground ; and, thirdly, the commencement of real 
naval discipline, and the institution of the naval 

of three classes : ( i ) Papers relating to mobilisation 
and the general details of Admiralty administration ; 
(2) Papers relating specially to Hawkyns's ad- 
ministration ; (3) Papers relating to naval ordnance. 
The first speak for themselves ; the third are 
dealt with in Appendix A. Of the second it is 
necessary to say little. Mr. Oppenheim, in an 
appendix on the subject in his ' History of the 
Administration of the Navy,' has so completely 
exposed the worthlessness of the attacks on 
Hawkyns's honesty that the charge will probably 
never be revived. It is difficult to see how any 
one used to evidence can fail to endorse the opinion 
of Mr. Oppenheim and the opinion of the greatest 
and best informed of Hawkyns's contemporaries 
and colleagues. In the memory of the next gene- 
rations the period of Hawkyns's administration 
lived as the golden age of the Admiralty, and not 


a shadow of real or untainted evidence exists to 
afford us a reason for not sharing their view. 
Those who are familiar with the inner lines of 
public life under Elizabeth will draw from the 
papers here collected and those later ones printed 
in Professor Laughton's ' Defeat of the Armada ' 
but one conclusion. The truth is that Hawkyns, 
surrounded by intrigue, jealousy, and suspicion, 
exposed to all kinds of temptation in an atmosphere 
of peculation, never ceased to be the rough, honest 
seaman, and lived a life apart, in the unpopularity 
which his war with official corruption entailed, till at 
last, broken with unappreciated toil and unmerited 
losses, he went down to his grave the conspicuous 
example of that age of a capable and upright public 

Generally, the present volume may be regarded 
as introductory to those on the ' Defeat of the 
Armada,' edited for the Society by Professor 
Laughton, to whom I am deeply indebted for criti- 
cism and advice. As far as possible, the same lines 
have been followed in arrangement and method, so 
that the three together may afford a continuous 
picture of the opening years of our first great naval 
war, and the weapons with which it was fought. 


OWING to the Editor's absence from England, some of his last cor- 
rections were not received till after the sheets had been printed off. 
In addition to a few names which are irregularly spelt, the following 
have to be noted : 

Page 4, delete note 2. 

,, 1 6, note i, for Sir William Turner, read Sir James. 
,, 32, line i8,for Regino, readRegni. 
102, note i, line 10, after for, insert a. 

,, ij8,/or note i, substitute See Def. of the Armada, vol. i. p. 196 n. 
,, 222, line 5, for Lyme, read Lynn ; also on p. 249, note 5, bis. 
,, 253, lines 31, 33, for then, read than. 
,, 284, in list of ships, for Signet, read Cygnet. 
,, 296, line 25, delete the after with. 

299, for No. 50, read 51 ; in No. 56, dele Absent with . . . Duck. 
,, 313, note 13, line I, for 280, read 230. 




[Bibl. Reg. 7. c. xvi. fol. 166.] 

e discourse and description of the voyage of Sir 
Francis Drake and Mr. Captain Frobiser set 
forward the \^th day of September, 1585. 

THE 1 4th day of September we set sail from 
Plymouth in Devon with 29 ships and pinnaces, 1 
directing our course for to touch at the islands of 
Bayona, and then alongst the coast to Cape de Verde 
and so to the West Indies. 

The 1 8th day of September we met with a 

1 The ' pinnace ' in the English service was used to signify all 
oared craft larger than ordinary ships' boats. They were of 
two classes decked and undecked or, as we should now say, 
first and second class. The former were always counted as inde- 
pendent units of a fleet ; the latter were attached to, and even 
carried by, the larger ships. They ranged generally from 20 to 
60 tons, and were considered indispensable as the eyes of a fleet 
and for landing and cutting out operations. Their oar propul- 
sion was regarded as auxiliary only, and, with the exception of 
those acting as tenders to flagships, they usually were organised 
as an independent light squadron. 



Frenchman of 60 tons with whom we talked, and 
found he came from Newfoundland, and so we let 
him depart. 

The i Qth day there were two ships set chase to 
some of us, and after they perceived the whole fleet 
they took them to flight. 

The 22nd and 23rd days another ship gave 

chase to us, whom we [let] pass. The same day we 

took a Biscayan of 150 tons, a [very] good new ship 

laden with fish ; we took her along with us [and] made 

good prize of her ; she was of St. Sebastian in Spain. 

The 24th day we fell with Galicia, a place called 

the Moors 1 . . and presently the Spaniards made 

great fires and raised the country. We found there 

five sail of Frenchmen. Four we let go, and [one] 

we took with us because we found nobody in her ; 2 

they [all] were run ashore for fear. They were all 

loaden with salt. The same day we met very near 

with twenty sail of Englishmen, some of London, 

some of Bristol, Hampton, &c. ; they told us that 

[they] had burned a town called Viana 3 and lost 

twenty-five men there, and [they] would go with us 

to burn Bayona and Vigo. 

[The] 27th day we took a Spanish fisherboat in 
the morning. [Thereafter] we went into Bayona and 
anchored in the harbour, which the [inhabitants] per- 
ceiving made great fires and raised the country ; 
[very] great numbers as well horsemen as footmen 
showed themselves unto us with their drums and 
ensigns. The same day after noon we landed 
about 200 men close before the town upon a little 

1 I.e. Muros, below Finisterre. They made Finisterre on the 
23rd. See Wynter's desp.,/^/, p. 50. 

* She was rechristened the Drake and added to the fleet. 
She was afterwards duly paid for, on the owners making a claim, 
and took part in Drake's expedition of 1587. 

* Now Vianna, the capital of Entre Douro et Minho. 


island, and there came to us both Spaniards and 
Englishmen from the town that dwelt there to know 
what we would have. We told them that we were 
come for those Englishmen that they had in prison, 
and for our merchants' goods which they kept, and 
that we lacked victuals ; and they gave us fair words 
and told us we should have wine and victuals and 
anything they had for money. 

The same day the Spaniards sent unto our 
governor grapes, apples, oranges, and such like. 
There was upon this island a little chapel with a 
house adjoining to it, but the people were fled ; 
there were three or four images in that chapel which 
we brake and burned, and found nothing else [upon] 
this island but an old chest with a cope in it and 
other such relics ; we kept this isle till midnight and 
then departed. The same day in the morning we 
took a fisherboat, and about ten of the clock at night 
we took a boat carrying six hogs to those that were 
encamped against us. 

The 28th day we had such tempests that we 
were forced to strike . . . top l and top masts and 
tackle. Two of our ships were driven to cut their 
masts and cast them overboard, and some to forsake 
the harbour. And the same day we lost the Bark 
Talbot for certain days. 

The 3ist day the tempest began to cease, and 
we removed our ships and came to an anchor before 
Vigo, and there we found beds and other household 
stuff carried into boats and lying on the shore. 
There w.e left four men which had been beheaded 
by the Spaniards the night before ; thither came a 
Frenchman from the Terceiras 2 laden with wine 
and sugars. This ship being laden with Spaniards' 

1 The word before ' top ' is torn. 

2 In the Azores, the rendezvous of the homeward-bound East 
and West Indian fleets. MS. Tarseros. 

B 2 


goods we made [goo]d prize and took her into our 
custody and shared the sugars amongst [the] fleet. 
The night before there was taken a boat with 
certain gentlemen [in] it with money, plate and 
jewels, and two crosses very rich. Likewise there was 
taken a boat laden with leather. One of [the] said 
two crosses was as much as one could lift, and was 
valued to be worth 3,000 ducats ; the other cross, 
money, jewels, plate and leather was valued at 3,000 
ducats more. 1 

The 2nd day of October the Spaniards came 
down to the water side and desired parley with us ; 
and then was Mr. Captain 2 Frobiser sent unto 
them, who told them that we desired to water there, 
and likewise to have our Englishmen which they 
had in prison, and their goods ; and they answered 
we should upon condition that we would deliver 
them those goods which we had t[aken when] we 
came thither, which they valued as is before said [at] 
6,000 ducats, and presently after this parley they 
came down [with] ensigns to the waterside and 
showed themselves to [us]. 

The next day, the 3rd of October, there came 
Spaniards aboard our Admiral to banquet with us, 
and then Captain Crosse, [and] Captain [Sampson] 3 
were sent to Bayona, and two Spaniards were left 
pledges for them ; then the Spaniards came thick 
about our ships. 

The 4th day we went ashore and watered and 
washed our clothes and kept our men in garrison. 

The 6th day we came to an anchor before Vigo 

1 The Spanish and Portuguese ducat was usually reckoned at 
about 5-r. 6d. English money. Thus, 3,000 ducats was 8257., 
or about 6,5007. modern value. 

2 For ' Mr. Captain ' cf. post, p. 158. 

3 Blank in MS. Name supplied from Cates's Summary Dis- 
course in Hakluyt (see Introduction, supra, p. xiv.). 


again and sent ashore to fetch our captains aboard, 
but they delayed the time and sent more Spaniards 
aboard of us, and there were speeches amongst the 
Spaniards that if we tarried there sixteen days they 
would wash their hands in Englishmen's blood. 

In this harbour was found a caravel laden with 
fish. So soon as we came the men forsook her, so 
that we carried her away with us. 

The 7th day we weighed anchor and came to an 
anchor again more near Bayona ; there we took the 
fish out of the Biscayan, 1 which we took first, and 
brake the ship in pieces ; the other caravel that we 
took out of Vigo road we made a hole in her and sank 
her and her fish. 

The 8th day we manned three pinnaces and one 
galley 2 and the George, and sent them to Bayona, 
where after much parley we received our captains 
and delivered their men. 

The gth day the wind began to wax great, and 
we weighed anchor and went unto the sea. The 
night before we took a Frenchman laden with fish, 
which we let go, and the same day the bark Talbot 
came and found us in the same harbour where she 
left us. 

The nth day we in the Primrose, being Vice- 
Admiral, lost all our ships by a tempest, saving the 
French ship we took last. 

The 1 6th day we descried the Isles of Madeiras, 3 
but we went not in. The I7th day we met with our 
fleet again, but the Tiger had lost her pinnaces 4 and 

1 MS. Biske. 

2 This, of course, was not a true galley. They had long 
ceased to accompany English fleets. It was probably a large 
pinnace or small galleon fitted with oars, and given in the Hakluyt 
list as the galleot ' Duck,' Captain Richard Hawkyns. 

3 MS. Matheros. 

4 This probably means that the Tiger was ' admiral ' or flag- 
ship of the pinnace squadron. See post t p. 45, and note. 


the Admiral had lost her pinnace with six men in 

The 22nd day we gave chase to two ships, but 
what they were we know not. 

The 24th day we fell with the Canaries. 

The 26th day we had sight of the town of Reff, 1 
and so coasted along towards the Grand Canaries. 

The 28th day we gave chase to a Frenchman 
and spoke to him ; he told us that he was bound for 
Peru, or to meet with the King of Spain's fleet from 
the Indies, and told us that they met with forty sail of 
Spaniards at Cape St. Vincent and said that he had 
lost the company of three shi t ps that he was Admiral 
of; he plied up and down the islands to meet with 
them again, and he was very glad of our company. 

On the 3rd day of November we put our ships 
into the island of Palme before the town called 
Palme, 2 thinking to have anchored there, but they 
presently shot their great ordnance at us, about 20 
shot, and struck the Admiral quite through in 2 
several places, and shot the bark Talbot through 
the sails, but, thanks be to God ! our men had no 
hurt. They had three platforms that they did discharge 
at us and flourished with their ensigns. We had a 
fair leading gale 3 of wind and put into the sea, not 
meaning to leave them so. 

The 4th day we went ashore on another island 4 
hard by for water, but there was none to be had. 
There we found an English boy ; he came down 
with the Justice of the isle with 20 or 30 men with 
them. They asked us what we would have ; we told 
them oil, wine, and water. We got the boy into our 
boat with much ado ; we asked the boy how he came 

1 Probably Arrecifa, now Port Naos, in Lancerotte. 

2 Probably Santa Cruz, in Palma. 

3 A ' gale ' in Elizabethan English always means a good 
sailing breeze. 

4 Hierro or Ferro (Summary Discourse). 


there ; he told us that he was born at Plimpton, in 
Devon, and that he was left there to sell wheat and 
kerseys for a brother he had, and he had been there 
half a year. We inquired the state of the country 
of him, but he durst not tell us ; and then we got two 
Spaniards into our boat and they told us what was 
in the island ; so we set them ashore and bade them 
bring us sheep or goats, butter or cheese, or oil, or 
anything, and they should have money for it. The boy 
and these two men went to the Justice and told him, 
and he sent them to us again and promised to give 
us a dozen goats, but none came. 

We landed above 600 men there, with their fur- 
niture, and marched and cast rings ; perceiving they 
would send us nothing we went aboard, thinking the 
next day to overcome the whole island. 

But the wind came fair the next day, and the 
same night we descried four of our ships which had 
lost our company before, so we took the fair wind and 
went to sea, where otherwise we had gone to Palme 
and sacked it if we might. 1 

The loth of November we descried the land of 
Barbary, and sailing along the coast in sight of land 
we fell with Cape Blanco. 

The 1 4th day we met at that Cape with four sail 
of Frenchmen riding at an anchor, and as soon as 
they descried us they weighed anchor and got them 
to sea ; we gave them chase and spoke with them ; 
they thought that we had been a fleet of Spaniards. 2 

1 Gates says they visited Palma, ' with intention to have taken 
our pleasure of that place, for the full digesting of many things 
into order [i.e. for completing the organisation of the force], and 
the better furnishing our store, &c.' No doubt Drake had some 
such intention ; but finding the surprise had failed, abandoned 
the idea, since it was not part of his programme. (See the 
Summary Discourse andflost, p. 69.) 

2 Gates says they were ships of war, ' whom we entertained 
with great courtesy.' 


And in giving them chase they threw off a little pin- 
nace, which pinnace with . . men in her went with us. 

The 1 6th [or 26] day we fell with Buena Vista, 1 an 
island, and the next morning we fell with another 
isle, called Maia, 2 and the same night we [anchojred 
at another island, called Santiago, 8 where we 
presently landed 600 men and thought the next 
morning to take them suddenly, but they had descried 
us the same night we landed, and in the morning 
when we came into the town they were all gone out, 
neither man, woman, nor child left, and they had 
taken with them all the best of their goods, as gold, 
silver, plate, and apparel. 4 This town had about six 
or seven hundred houses in it. They shot about a 
dozen great shot at our ships in the night, and so 
left off. 

We found between 50 and 60 pieces of ordnance 
there in the forts they had four forts and all of 
brass ; they were valued with their pieces at a 
thousand pounds ; likewise we found there twelve 
barrels of powder and brought all away with us, so 
that we left them not one piece. We found in this 
town good store of wine, near 100 ton, with sweet 
oil and olives, bread and meal and dried goats, with 
great store of cotton, and every house so full of 
chests made of sweet wood, as cypress, &c., that it 
was wonderful to see. 

This town has three churches in it, but their best 
images were carried away with them. It is a very 
fruitful place, and hath great abundance of silk and 
cotton growing all over the island. There is a great 
store of oranges, sugar canes, and cocoa 5 trees 

1 In the Cape Verde Islands. MS. Bonafista. 

2 MS. Maioy. 

3 Also called 'Gynnye,' or Guinea. (See below.) MS. 
Santa Ango. 

4 Gates gives these shore operations in detail. 

5 MS. 'cokaies.' 


bearing a fruit called guinea nuts ; 1 there is great 
abundance of these growing therein, with lemons, 
figs and dates, quinces and potatoes, with great 
store of small fish at the seaside, which may be taken 
with little labour. 

Also, they have a fine river running through the 
town and monstrous high rocks round about the same, 
of such height and so upright that scarce any man is 
able to attain the tops thereof. There are in these 
rocks monkeys, and such a number of newts in every 
house, street, &c., that it would amaze a man to see 

They have goodly joined 2 works in their churches 
and houses of great cost and workmanship. 

There was adjoining to their greatest church 
an hospital, with as brave rooms in it, and in as 
goodly order as any man can devise ; we found about 
20 sick persons, all negroes, lying of very foul and 
frightful diseases. In this hospital we took all the 
bells out of the steeple and brought them away with us. 

This island is full of bears, deer, goats, and hens, 
very many of them wild which never come to house. 

There are asses and goodly horses ; all their 
buildings are of stone. 

Besides all this there was found a great deal 
of trash, which would ask much time to rehearse. 

This town stands in the island of Guinea, 3 and the 
inhabitants be some Spaniards and some Portingalls, 
who have divers bond-slaves, both black men and 

We kept this town nine days and no person came 
to resist us. When we had been there six days 
there came an Italian down whom we took to be a 

1 MS. ' ginnye nattes,' i.e. cocoa nuts. 

2 MS. 'joiynde.' Joined-work was an old term for wains- 
coting. Halliwell and Wright. 

8 MS. 'gynnve.' 


spy and searched him, and found 50 pieces of gold 
in his buskins ; he was the master-governor of the 
town. We kept him in prison and used a certain 
kind of torment to make him confess. 1 

The next day we took another and used him in 
like order. Then the first told us that in the Bishop's 
house was great store of treasure hid, which we pre- 
sently searched but found none. Then he told us 
that they had carried all their treasure into the 

The other confessed that there was certain ord- 
nance and powder hid in the ground at another town 
not past six leagues off, which we found true. 

During our abode there there was a gibbet set 
up whereon was executed one of our men, being 
steward of the Aid, for committing buggery with 
two boys in the ship. 

The 6th day after we had been there, came a 
horseman to the top of one of the rocks that stood 
over the town and there was sent one to parley with 
him, and he promised that the next day the rulers of 
the island should come and speak with us, but they 
did not. 

Then we made out a 700 men and took a 
negro to be our guide, which we brought out of 
England with us, that dwelt before in this island, and 
the general promised this negro that if we could take 
the Spaniard that the negro before was slave unto, 
then the Spaniard should be slave unto the negro. 

Thus we went twelve miles further into the country 
to a town called St. Domingo, but the people seeing 
us afar off (for they had scouts) were afraid and fled, 
and misdoubting our coming long before had hid all 
their treasure, which we seeing set fire on the town 
and presently departed thence. 

1 This was, of course, the universal practice of the time in 
examining refractory prisoners of war, both ashore and afloat. 


The people seeing the town on fire made a great 
cry among the bushes and weeds which we might 
very well hear. At this place we lost one of our men 
that went straggling to get pillage, with whom the 
Spaniards meeting cut off his head and ripping his 
belly took out his heart and carried them away, but 
let his body lie. 

And as we were riding back about two miles we 
espied a number of horsemen, so near as we could 
guess, about 200 ; they began to make a show 
against us ; then we began to bend ourselves towards 
them, which so soon as they perceived put out their 
flags of truce, but at any hand they would not come 
near us ; so we came back again to St. Domingo with 
the loss of one man. 

During our being there, there came three or four 
negroes whom we succoured and gave victuals unto. 
We found in the road seven caravels and one a build- 
ing on the stocks. These ships had in them bread, 
wine, oil, sugar, marmalade, and suckets 1 with such 
like things, but we found nobody in them ; they were 
made fast to the rocks, from whence we loosed them, 
taking their goods and sending them to the seas to 
go whither they would without anybody in them ; the 
other new one we took in pieces and carried with us. 
Also there was certain plate of Lemman hid that we 
took away with us. 

The Bishop of this town is of great wealth ; he is 
carried to the church upon a bier 2 of silver with a very 
rich canopy over his head borne by eight or twelve 

This silver bier is a thing of great value. The 
Bishop is very fearful of his life, for it is but 3 years 
since the town was spoiled by the Frenchmen, 
and they killed man, woman, and child. The Bishop 
was at that time taken, and by fair promises that 
1 MS. ' succatts.' 2 MS. ' barr.' 


he would fetch them great treasure he escaped, 
though not without great fear, wherein he hath lived 
ever since. 

The Frenchmen had from them at that time 50 
pieces of brass ordnance. 

Thus when we saw we could get no more we set 
the town on fire and departed thence to another 
town about six leagues off, called Praya. 1 But the 
people were all fled, so likewise we fired that town 
and went to the sea. 

The 28th of November all which month is ex- 
treme hot with them as the hottest time of summer 
is with us in England ; they never have rain some- 
times for three years together we sailed forwards. 

There is another isle within eight leagues of them 
called Fogo, of an exceeding great height, that doth 
burn continually that no man dare go to the top of 
it ; there dwell both Portingalls and Spaniards in 
it, but the most there are negroes. 

The 29th of November we set sail. Then 
had we 550 leagues to fall with the next land, and 
we had not been two days at the sea but there fell a 
great sickness amongst our men, not in one ship 
alone but in all the whole fleet, so that in the 
Admiral there were sick above an hundred men at 
one time, and there were about sixty men sick in the 
Vice-admiral at the same time, and so in other ships 
according to their number. 

There died divers of this disease both in our 
ship and others, sometimes one, sometimes two or 
three in a day. 

The 2ist of December we fell with an island 
called [Dominica] ; 2 the people are all as red as 
scarlet. We anchored there to refresh our men ; 
we found very goodly rivers there, and there we took 

1 MS. ' Prey.' Porto Praya. 

3 Blank in MS. supplied from the Summary Discourse. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 i* 


in water for our need. We would have tarried 
there longer for to have refreshed our men, but we 
could find no convenient place to keep them in from 
the people of the country ; for they are great 
devourers and eaters of men, and the isle is all 

We with our boat met with eight of these men at 
sea, who as soon as they espied us waved us unto 
them and put forth a flag of truce, being a cake of 
cassava * bread. We boarded them presently ; their 
boat was a canoe that is made like a hog's trough, 
all of one tree. These people go naked without any 
manner of clothes about them. Their manner is 
when they kill any of their enemies they knock out 
the teeth and wear them about their necks like a 
chain, and eat [the] flesh for meat. 

When we had boarded them as before they 
gave us a kind of bottle full of water and cassava 
bread that is made of a tree, and we gave them 
biscuit and a can of beer, which they did pre- 
sently both eat and drink ; and then we departed 
from them and went rowing close aboard the 
shore, where the people of the country came 
running to the waterside wondering greatly at us. 
Then we came to a goodly river of fresh water, 
and thither came six men of the country unto us, 
and amongst them there was one that commanded 
the rest. One brought a cock and a hen, another 
brought potatoes, another plantain fruit. They did 
swim over the river to us and came to our boat, and 
the captain caused a comb to be given them, which 
was done and the cock required for it, but they would 
not. Then the captain gave a looking glass to be 
given them, for which they gave their cock, and the 
captain enticed them to come into the boat, which 
one of them did and would have gone with us, but 
1 MS. 'cassadc.' 


that his companions called him and would not suffer 
him ; so he leaped into the sea with his bow and 
arrows in one hand and swam to shore with the 
other. Then we departed from them for that time. 

The next day we went to search further into the 
land, and the people ran along the seaside before 
us. Then the captain commanded a trumpet to be 
sounded, which done the people higher in the land 
gave a great shout and kept on whistling and blew 
a thing like a horn. Then they came to the seaside 
and shot at us. We sought for some good place, but 
found none to serve our turn, and so departed. 

This isle is full of woods and bushes ; we saw 
many of their houses ; we found snakes of great big- 
ness with newts and other venomous worms. Also 
we saw there many pelicans ; there are potatoes, 
oranges, cocoas, plantains, cassava, and many kinds 
of fruits which we knew not. 

On Christmas Even we fell with another island, 
called [St. Christopher's], 1 and landed there, refreshing 
ourselves with fresh water, and there stayed three 
days and saw no man but our own company, of whom 
divers were sick. We buried twenty men whilst we 
stayed there. This isle is very full of goodly trees 
of sweet wood, and there are great store of pelicans 
and many birds flying in the night. There are 
great snakes and crabs very big, that live in the 
ground, and other kind of things, like serpents, very 

The last day of December we took two barks at 
sea, bound for St. Domingo, 2 one was laden with 
sugar-chest boards, the other with beef and bacon, 
peas, tobacco, rice, hides, and other stuff; there 
were two Spanish merchants in them, and a woman 

1 Summary Discourse. 

8 MS. ' St. Dominico,' but the capital of Espanola must be 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 15 

negro with a boy, and a Greek. This Greek was 
our pilot for landing of our men at St. Domingo. 1 

The first of January in the morning, our men 
being landed seven or eight miles from the town and 
coming towards it, the Spaniards' horsemen made 
towards us, but they fled quickly unto the woods, and 
perceiving our men to march towards St. Domingo l 
they had planted three pieces of ordnance under 
the gate where our men should enter, and shot 
off one of them, killing three of our men ; but 
before they could discharge the rest we ran so 
fiercely upon them that we drave them from their 
ordnance and they fled further into the town. 
All this time our ships lay still battering the town 
on the other side, and they, shooting at our ships, 
shot the Admiral quite through, but hurt never a 
man. 2 We lent them always two for one. Thus did 
this endure by the space of three hours, and after 
the ships perceived our men had entered the town 
they left shooting for fear of spoiling of us. 3 When 
our men had entered the town the Spaniards fled 
into the castle, which is with high walls, and it was 
almost night. 

In the morning when we thought to have had 
the Spaniards in the castle, they were all gone 
and fled by night by certain boats which they 
had ; for one part of that castle lay to a river which 
runneth into the land, and of that side they escaped. 

Thus the Spaniards gave us the town for a New 
Year's gift. They had carried out their treasure 
and a great image of silver out of their church which 
was of great value. 

In this town we had great store of wine, 

1 MS. St. Dominico. Greeks are frequently mentioned at this 
period as being 'pilots,' or navigating officers in the Spanish service. 

2 For the movements of the fleet see pest, p. 79. 

3 From this it appears the writer was a soldier serving with 
Carleill's force. 


meal, oil, cassava, cocks, hens and chickens, [so] 
that the very hens were valued at a ,1,000, great 
store of apparel, spices, sockets, brass, pewter, 
iron, and all manner of things that do belong to a 
city. But that they had taken away their gold and 
silver and the best of their apparel, all things else 
was left. 

The Spaniards sunk three ships upon the shal- 
lowest place of the harbour, for at the entry in of their 
harbour is but 14 foot water, so that none of our 
ships could enter at all. We found in the harbour 
a very fair galley ; she had belonging unto her 
four hundred slaves, Turks, Moors, Negroes, French- 
men and Greeks ; she shot at us at our first coming 
in ; her end was we carried her to the sea and set 
her on fire, and all her slaves we took with us. 

After we had been there ten days they came to 
us with a flag of truce ; the cause was for that we 
had in every street at the outside of the town round 
about made rampires and planted ordnance and 
guarded them with men ; the cause why we set some 
of the houses on fire was for that they were out of 
the courts of our guard l and rampires. Then they 
came in and proffered money for redeeming of their 
town, but it was long ere they could agree of price ; 
so for twenty d[ays] space they came in every day 
with flags of truce. 

Now it chanced that a Spaniard came in near 
our courts [of] guard with his flag of truce on horse- 
back, and the captain sent a negro boy to talk with 
him, and after they had talked together he took his 

1 This is the term approved for a guard-house by Sir William 
Turner. ' Watches being set,' he says, ' they should have houses. 
. . . These houses we ordinarily call courts of guard, which some 
do not like ; but I think they are wrong, for a corps de guard in 
English signifies the body of the guard, which may be in an open 
field or street.' (Pallas Armata, 1683^.299.) Rampires are, 
of course, the works connecting the guard-houses. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1685-7 17 

staff and ran the boy through and rode away in haste, 
for he was without our courts of guard. 

The next day when the Spaniards came in 
with their flags of truce they were told of it, and 
they said he should be hanged if they might know 
him, but it was not done. When the town was 
taken first we took two friars and certain Spaniards, 
and they were kept in prison for to be ransomed, 
and we by consent made a pair of gallows without 
the town where the Spaniards came daily, and 
hanged the two friars in lieu of slaying the negro boy. 

The same day the Spaniards came and carried 
away the friars, and three days after they hanged 
the same man that killed the negro boy, where the 
friars were hanged. 

We hanged an Irishman of our own company 
for murdering of one of his fellows privily. We 
tarried in this town a month ; they would never 
come past twenty or forty against us, and that would 
be in the night. The time that we were there 
they would bring us in beef, sometimes twenty, some- 
times forty oxen and sheep, sometimes an hundred, 
and more and less. Our men would fetch in oxen 
and sheep at pleasure. 

There were so many dry hides in this town that 
it was wonderful great store, also of sugar, which 
we esteemed not, it was so plentiful. 

There was in this town great store of copper 
money, more than 12 ton weight in some one 
house. I judge also there was in that town of black 
money an 100 ton. We took two or three tons of it 
with us to the sea. Also we took great store of hides 
away with us. We took also their bells out of 
their churches, and three ships out of their harbour, 
and left two of our old ships there for them. 
We had from thence 80 slaves, Turks, Frenchmen, 
Greeks and negroes. We had many pieces of brass 



ordnance thence, and left not one piece behind us. 
We set part of their castle on fire and burned all 
their images of wood, brake and destroyed all their 
fairest work within their churches. We had in this 
town much plate, money, and pearl hidden in wells 
and other places. 

This town standeth very pleasantly, and is of a 
very huge building. All the walls of their houses 
are like the walls of our churches, but higher, and 
such great doors, far greater than our church doors ; 
with such cost of ironwork that it is wonderful. 

There groweth great abundance of ginger, 
pepper, locusts and strange fruits. 

All this isle is full of woods, also there are 
oranges, lemons, pomegranates and dates. 

The Spaniards dare not go past ten miles' com- 
pass for fear of the Indians. 

This is the chiefest town in all Hispaniola, and 
was first inhabited by the Spaniards. There they 
keep parliament for the king, and do the greatest 
business for Spain. 

The eleventh day we came to an anchor at 
Cartagena, 1 and ten days ere we came thither they had 
warning of us and had carried away the most part of 
their goods, having fortified and made such rampires 
that it was impossible by man's reason for us to win. 
But God fought for us, for our ships could not come 
near the town for lack of water to batter it, and 
where our pinnaces should go in was but the length 
of two ships, and it was chained over from the castle 
with 1 6 pieces of ordnance in this narrow gutter ; 2 yet 
we did attempt it, [so] that we had the rudder of our 
pinnace struck away, and men's hats from their 
heads, and the top of our mainmast beaten in pieces, 

1 The capital of Tierra Firme, or Golden Castille, afterwards 
known to the buccaneers as the Spanish Main. 

2 This was the entrance to the inner harbour from the lagoon. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 19 

the oars stricken out of our men's hands as they 
rowed, and our captain like to have been slain. 1 
They had planted 16 pieces against us in the castle. 
Also they had planted two galleys and a galleass with 
ordnance, and another fort with 6 pieces, that we 
had not the length of a pike left us for passage to 
enter, and there were 400 horsemen and footmen 
in arms still bent against us. 2 The 2 galleys and 
galleass were well furnished with men and ordnance, 
and this was then their saying, as afterwards they 
did confess, that we should all die but 20 of the best, 
and they should be made galley-slaves, they did so 
presume of their fort and strength. 3 

Indeed it was not likely that any man of us 
should escape ; but what God will have shall be done, 
who put it into our minds that we should enter upon 
them in the morn before day. Yet they were ready 
to resist us, and had set in the ground thousands of 
poisoned arrows, yet very few of our men received 
hurt thereby. 

The Spanish horsemen met us without the 
fort very courageously, but our pikemen made them 
soon retire, and we followed so fiercely upon them 
that we made them forsake their fort. 

The two galleys and galleass, with the other fort, 
did so ply their ordnance against us that it was won- 
derful ; their calivers, muskets and harquebuses did 

1 This operation is elsewhere called a ' hot alarm,' and was 
probably intended only as a diversion to cover the true attack. 

2 This fort was defending the spit between the sea and the 
harbour, along which Carleill advanced. The galleys enfiladed it 
from the harbour. 

3 The Spanish official return of the garrison was ^jinetes, 
i.e. mounted light-armed lancers, technically known in England as 
' demi-lances ' ; 450 harquebusiers ; 100 pikemen ; 20 negro muske- 
teers ; and 100 Indian bowmen ; besides 150 regular harque- 
busiers, belonging to the galleys. Duro, Armada Espanola, 
ii. 396. 

C 2 


play their parts. 1 But God is all in all, by whose 
good help we made them fly into the town like sheep ; 
but they galled many of our men in the town. 

We lost in this skirmish 28 men besides those that 
were hurt, yet constrained the Spaniards to fly 
like sheep into the mountains. 

Thus we enjoyed the town, but found little store 
of victual therein, the most we found was wine and 
oil. They had hid many things in the ground, 
which we found notwithstanding. 

We fortified this town of our fashion, and 
planted their own ordnance against them. 

Now, when our men had got the town, the 
Spaniards set fire on both the galleys because we 
should not enjoy them. And the slaves and 
Spaniards in the galleys fell together by the ears, 
so that the Spaniards killed many of their slaves, 
and some they took with them, and very many of 
them did swim to us. The Spaniards kept their 
castle still, yet at last on a sudden fled away. Then 
we brought our ships so near the town as we could, 
and the smallest of them went in and rode before 
the town. We kept this town five weeks and three 
days, and afterwards begun to burn the outsides of it, 
and then the Spaniards came in with their flags of 
truce to redeem their town. 

They were building a great new church in this 
town, and by our shooting off a great piece of 
ordnance that stood near the church a great part 
thereof was shaken down. 

When the Spaniards saw their church down, 
they said they would give no money for their town, 
for they esteemed their church more than the town. 

1 The galleys were under the veteran Don Pedro Vique 
Manrique, who, after wide and distinguished service in Europe, 
had been appointed ' general of the coast of Tierra Firme,' in 
1578. Duro, Armada Espafwla, ii. 397 n. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 21 

Then we began to burn more, so that at last they 
compounded and ransomed the same. 

When the time was come that we must avoid the 
town all our men went aboard saving 200, and they 
went into a friary that stood a little without the town, 
and kept it certain days to see if they would ransom 
it ; and even as we had laid wood to it and were 
ready to give fire, the prior came in and ransomed the 
same. Then we set the galleass on fire, and so 
departed to our ships. 

We had in this town many pieces of brass 
ordnance. We left them not one piece behind, and 
the report went that the Spaniards would have given 
the weight in silver for ten or twelve of them. Also 
we brought away all their bells, and all other metals 
we could find. 

This is a very pretty town, with six or seven 
churches in it. There is growing about this town 
oranges, lemons, pomegranates, citrons, 1 olives, 
pepper, locusts, with many other fruits. 

There is also great store of fish ; and it is very 
true that there are growing oysters and mussels on 
trees by the seaside. I have both gathered and eaten 
of them. 

We left two small ships of ours behind us, setting 
them on fire, and we took two of their ships for them. 

During the time of our abode there we lost a 
hundred men by sickness ; we had many Turks, 
Frenchmen, Negroes, Moors, Greeks, and Spaniards 
went with us from this town. 

All the while we were in this town the Spaniards 
gave us no fight, but they threatened us, showing 
themselves sometimes an hundred and two hundred 
in a troop, and shot at us, but soon would run away. 

After that we were gone from the town, we re- 
mained ten days about two miles from the said town 
1 MS. 'cytherons.' 


to take in water, so that we were there in all seven 

The last of March we set sail from Cartagena, 
and when we had been two days at sea there fell such 
a leak in one of our ships that we were driven to go 
back again to Cartagena, and there to take out all our 
ordnance goods and other furniture, and so set her 
on fire. 1 There we continued fourteen days more. 

Now, when we came again the Spaniards did 
marvel, and fled out of the town. Then the 
General sent them word what the cause was, and 
desired the governor of the town that they might 
bake bread there, and gave his word to the governor 
that none should come on shore but bakers, for our 
ships were five or six miles from the town. And the 
Spaniards for fear granted us all the ovens in the 
town. We were baking of biscuit there six or seven 
days, and the governor of the town received us 
with great courtesy, and made proclamation upon 
pain of death that no man should molest us, but to 
help us with wood, water, and all other necessaries, 
and to let us go when and where we would ; and 
further commanded two Spaniards in every house 
where we did bake to suffer none to come unto us 
but those that we did like. 

There was more than 2,000 Spaniards in the 
town. The Justice would come to us at all hours 
in the night and day to see that no man did us 
wrong, for they thought that we came ashore to 
pick a quarrel against them. 

The 1 8th of April we set sail the second time 
from Cartagena, and the 22nd of April we fell with 
an isle that had no people in it. 2 There we found 
strange kinds of beasts, and killed more than twenty 
alligators. These be such serpents as have been 

1 This was the prize, ' New Year's Gift,' taken at St. Domingo. 

2 The Grand Cayman. Summary Discourse. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1586-7 2-1 


in London to be seen. There were crocodiles, 
which did encounter and fight with us. They live 
both in the sea and on land. We took divers, and 
made very good meat of them. Some of the same 
were ten feet in length. 

Also we killed other little beasts like cats and 
then little serpents about two foot long called guanos, 
with a great number of turtles of huge bigness, which 
served us for very good meat. 

This island is a very desert and wilderness, and 
so full of wood as it can grow. We thought to 
have watered there, but could find none. We 
stayed there two days and set the woods on fire and 
so departed. 

[The] 25th and 26th of April we sailed in sight of 
land, and came [to an] anchor at Cape St. Antonio, 1 
where we thought to have watered. [Here] we found 
two frigates, which we set on fire and so departed 
[becau]se there was little store of water. 

[The] last of April we gave chase to a small 
ship, but what [she] was we know not. 

[The] 1 4th of May we came back again to Cape 
St. Antonio, and then found more store of water, 
and stayed there five days to refresh us. 

The 1 9th day we weighed anchor and sailed 
alongst the coast, thinking to go to the Matanzas, 2 

1 At the western extremity of Cuba. It was the most im- 
portant strategical point in the Indies for operations against the 
American trade, commanding, as it did, the Yucatan channel, 
through which all the trade of the Spanish Main and Peru 
must pass to the rendezvous of the convoys at Havana, and 
also flanking the course thither from Mexico. It was the Cape 
St. Vincent of the West Indies, and the favourite cruising ground 
of the Corsairs. 

2 MS. ' Mantances.' Matanzas lies to the eastward of Havana. 
On May ^| , according to Captain Duro, Drake looked into Havana, 
but finding it too strongly garrisoned, retired to Matanzas. It is 
possible he still cherished a hope of destroying or occupying Havana, 
in accordance with his original plan of campaign. \Post t p. 73.) 


and there to take a town, and by the way we took 
a caravel ; the men forsook her and ran to shore. 
She was laden with salt. We came in sight of the 
harbour that we should have entered, but we could 
not for contrary winds. 

The 23rd of May we put off into the sea for the 
Cape of Florida, and the 25th day we got sight 
thereof; and sailing along the coast the 27th day we 
fell in with a town called St. Augustine. There we 
went on shore in the morning, but could not enter 
the town, for they had warning of our coming and 
made a castle of pur[pose] for their defence against 
us, in such order that we must [first] win the castle 
before we could get the town ; and our s[hips] could 
not come near the town to batter it ; the water was 
shallow except it were a five or six miles from it, 
yet there was a goodly river running close by the 
town into the country. 

The 28th day we took ordnance on shore to 
batter the castle, which stood on the one side of the 
river, and we were on the other ; yet, when we had 
shot two pieces at them, like faint-hearted cowards 
they ran away. This was about midnight. Then 
came over the river to us a Frenchman and a Dutch- 
man, who told us they were all fled. 

Then the Admiral and Vice-Admiral went over 
with 20 men, and entering their castle found their 
words true. Then on the other side where our men 
lay, the savages and others came out of the woods, 
and with a very strange cry assaulted our men. But 
they were soon driven back, and our men following 
them into the woods, by mischance one Mr. Water- 
house, the captain's lieutenant 1 of our ship, was slain. 

1 The words ' unto Mr. Frobiser ' are here erased. This is one 
of the earliest instances of the naval rank of lieutenant. It was 
introduced about this time, together with that of corporal, on the 
analogy of a land company. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 25 

The 29th day of May we entered the town, and the 
Spaniards gave us 3 or 4 small shot, and ran away, 
and in following of them Captain Powell was slain 
by a horseman and two footmen Spaniards. 1 

The 30th day, after we had taken the spoil of 
this town, we set it on fire, and so went to the castle, 
where we rested three days. In this castle we found 
a chest with the King's treasure, and hard by the 
castle we found a small caravel with certain treasure 
in her and some letters from the King of Spain, for 
she was newly come thence ; and further we found a 
li[ttle] child in her, which the Spaniards had left 
behind them for has[te]. We sent them the child, 
and they took her, but would not c[ome] to us for 
anything we could do. 

There was nine of the savages set up a flag of 
truce about two miles from the town, which our men 
found and carried them another. 

The second day of June we set fire on the castle, 
[and the] same night set sail from thence. 

Also in that night we set fire on the caravel 
[which we] had taken by the Matanzas laden with 
salt, and took [the other] caravel along with us. 

This town St. Augustine standeth in Florida. 
[Here is] as goodly a soil as may be, with so great 
abundance [of] sweet woods, &c. as is wonderful, 
with goodly meadows, [great] store of fish, oysters, 
and mussels, with deer and goodly fields of corn after 
their manner. 

There was about 2 50 houses in this town, but we 
left not one of them standing. We found 40 pipes 
of meal in this place and much ba[d] but we found 
neither wine nor oil nor any other vict[ual] to make 
account of. 

1 Powell was major-general or chief of the military staff, and 
lost his life in a daring attempt to take a prisoner with his own 
hand for intelligence purposes. 


We had in this town 12 great pieces of 
brass ordnance. This town had five weeks' warning 
before of our coming, and had builded this castle only 
for us, keeping 90 soldiers there in garrison. And 
there we understood that the Hyabans had burnt 
their town themselves, and had gotten 1,200 men 
to help them, thinking that we would come to 

The wild men at first coming of our men 
died very fast, and said amongst themselves, it was 
the English god that made them die so fast. 

There are divers kings amongst them, and these 
kings are distant one from another, and they have 
many wives. They told our men of one king not 
far from thence that had 140 wives. 

Our men killed the king of that place we were 
in, for that he with his people in one night had de- 
termined to murder all the Englishmen ; and an 
Indian did betray the counsel. So we gave the 
king that for his pains which he would have 
given us. 

They have a church with three images in it, and 
they speak with the devil once every year upon 
a high mountain. Also they are clad in skins, and 
they have a copper mine amongst them. And for 
the tag l of a point, a bell, a counter, a pin or such- 
like, they will give you anything they have. 

Then we sailed along the coast of this land until 
we came to the place where those men did live that 
Sir Walter Raleigh had sent thither to inhabit the 
year before. 

[Mr. Lane] and others, as soon as they [saw us, 
thin]king we had been a new supply [came from 
the] shore, and tarried certain days, and [afterwards 
we carried] thence all those men with us except 
two [who had gone furtjher into the country and 

1 MS. ' kagge.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 27 

the wind gre[w so that] we could not stay for 
them. 1 

[The zoth] of June four of our ships were forced 
to [put to sea.] The weather was so sore and the 
storm so [great th]at our anchors would not hold, and 
no ship [of them all] but either brake or lost their 
anchors. And our [ship the] Primrose brake an 
anchor of 1 50 Ibs. weight. [All the] time we were 
in this country, we had thunder [lightning] and rain 
with hailstones as big as hen's eggs. [There were] 
great spouts at the seas as though heaven and 
[earth] should have met. 

[This] country is indifferent fruitful, and hath 
good [store of] fish with land turtles and (?) nice fruits 
and saxifrage, [which are] the best things in all the 
land that we know of ; [the rest] after the report of 
the people would be too long. [Let this] suffice. 

[The 1 8th] day of June 1586 we set sail, directing 
our course [to Ne]w-found-land and so homewards. 


[Q.R. Exchequer Accts. Bdle 64, No. 9.] - 

This Indenture made the seventeenth of July 
1585, in the seven and twentieth year of the reign 
of our sovereign lady Queen Elizabeth, between the 
right honourable Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, Master 
of her Majesty's Ordnance General, 3 of the one part, 

1 Margins much torn ; the words missing seem to have been 
longer or more numerous than those conjecturally supplied. 

2 For details of the guns, &c., mentioned in this paper, see 
Appendix A. 

3 The fact that this indenture was made with the Master of the 


and the right worshipful Sir Francis Drake, knight, 
on the other part, Witnesseth that the said Sir 
Francis Drake hath received of the said Master of 
the Ordnance out of her Majesty's store of the Office 
of the Ordnance at the Tower of London, by virtue 
of her Majesty's special warrant, bearing date at 
Greenwich the twelfth day of June last past, 1585, 
for the furniture of two of her Highness's ships, viz. 
the Elizabeth Bonaventure and the Aid, sent in a 
voyage with the said Sir Francis Drake, these 
parcels of ordnance and shot ensuing with divers 
other furnitures to the same belonging and apper- 
taining the ordnance and stores being propor- 
tioned and set down in a schedule subscribed by 
Sir William Wynter, knight, and John Hawkyns, 1 
esquire, Officers of the Navy, according to the effect 
of the said warrant, that is to say : 

For the Elizabeth Bonaventure. Demi-cannons 

Ordnance General looks as if the department of Naval Ordnance 
instituted by Henry VIII. as part of the Admiralty had been 
already reabsorbed. It certainly did not exist after Sir William 
Wynter's death in 1589 (Oppenheim, Naval Administration, 
p. 149). It was possibly abolished in 1569, in which year it is 
known that Wynter surrendered some charge in connection with 
the Ordnance (see ' Charge and Discharge of Brass Ordnance, &c.,' 
S,P. Dom. clxxxvi. 23, and post, p. 309), from which it would 
appear some such reorganisation dates from 1569, for in that year 
a number of guns were delivered by him into the General Ord- 
nance Department at the Tower. Mr. Oppenheim inclines to 
think he retained the office till his death, but in all documents of 
this time he is officially styled ' Surveyor of her Highness's Ships,' 
without the addition of ' Master of the Naval Ordnance,' and 
presumably the higher title would have been used if he had still 
held it. . Since Mary's reign he had been Surveyor of the Ships 
as well as Master of the Naval Ordnance. De la Motte Fe"nelon, 
the French Ambassador, begins about 1569 to specially dis- 
tinguish him from other officers of the Admiralty by the title of 
Vice-Admiral. No patent, however, creating him Vice-Admiral 
of England has been found. 

1 Hawkyns was Treasurer of the Navy. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 29 

of brass, four, weighing 161 cwt. 3 qrs. 14 Ibs. 1 
weight ; cannon periers of brass, four, weighing 
97 cwt. 3 qrs. 2 Ibs. weight ; culverins of brass, eight, 
weighing 268 cwt. 2 qrs. 16 Ibs. weight; demi-cul- 
verins of brass, twelve, weighing 310 cwt. 15 Ibs. 
weight ; sacres of brass, six, weighing 98 cwt. 2 qrs. 

1 Ib. weight ; minions of brass, one, weighing 1 2 cwt. 

2 qrs. weight; falcons, three, weighing 22 cwt. 2 qrs. 
weight ; port-piece-halls, 2 four, weighing 39 cwt. 2 qrs. 
24 Ibs. weight ; chambers of brass to the same, eight, 
weighing 1 2 cwt. 2 qrs. 6 Ibs. weight ; fowler-halls of 
brass, two, weighing 1 1 cwt. 2 qrs. 23 Ibs. ; chambers 
of brass to the same, four, weighing 414 Ibs. weight. 
Carriages furnished with truckles, 3 extrees, and linch- 
pins viz. for demicannon four, for cannon perier 
likewise furnished four, carriages for demiculverins 
twelve, carriages for culverins eight, carriages for 
sacres six, carriages for minions one, carriages for 
falcons three, for fowlers two, for port-pieces four. 4 

1 MS. has 'xvi. m. ciij. qrtrs. xiv. lib.,' which reads ' 16,103 
qrs. 14 Ibs.,' but this weight is impossible. The numeration is 
the same throughout. 

2 In breech-loading ordnance the hall was the main part of 
the gun, as distinguished from the powder-case, which was 
called the chamber, on the analogy of the great hall and smaller 
chambers of a Tudor house. 

3 The modern 'truck,' the wheel or castor of a sea-service 
gun-carriage ; cf. ' truckle-bed.' 

4 The mounting of port-pieces and fowlers is thus described 
by Robert Norton (The Gunner, 1628) : ' Instead of round 
trunnions, there are four square tennants cast joining with the 
chase of the piece, on either side two ; which, being let into the 
block or carriage, holdeth the whole chase fast therein, leaving 
the cornice lying upon the ledge of the ship's port and triced up 
with a rope fastened about the muzzle. The tail of the carriage 
is to rest and to be shored up with an upright post or foot, full of 
holes, to slide up and down in a square mortice fitted thereunto, 
having a " shiver " (i.e. a grooved pulley wheel) at the lower end 
thereof, with two trestle legs morticed before under the block of 
the carriage. The foot with holes hath a pin to stay the piece 


Ladles l for demi-cannon four, for cannon perier four, 
for culverins eight, for demi-culverins six, for sacres 
four, for minions one, and for falcons three. Sponges 
for demi-cannon four, for cannon perier four, for 
culverins eight, for demiculverins six, for sacres one, 
for minions one, and for falcons one. Staves for 
ladles twenty. Round shot of iron viz. demi-cannon 
shot 140, culverin shot 370, demi-culverin shot 360, 
sacre shot 1 80, falcon shot 200, base shot 300, dice shot 
of iron 4,4OO. 2 Cross-barred shot for demi-cannon ten, 
cross-barred shot for culverins thirty, and for demi- 
culverins forty. Stone shot for cannon periers four 
score and for port-pieces three score and nine, for 
fowlers fifty-five. Heads and rammers of all sorts 
twenty and four. Linchpins spare ten pairs. Melting 
ladle one. Moris pikes nine, 3 blackbills four. 4 Crows 
four, sledges two. Quoins threescore. Bowsing 
tackles furnished two, tailing hooks furnished two, 
ladle hooks eighteen, hooks for bowsing tackle two, 
pulleys double and single six. Truckles ten pair. 
Forms : for demi-cannon three, for cannon perier 
one, for culverin one, for demi-culverin two. Forms : 
for sacre one, for minion two, and for falcon one. 
Forelocks 5 for fowlers six. Extrees spare nine. Hol- 
low shot of lead forty. Extrees spare nine besides 
the other twenty-seven. Forelock timber 24 foot. 
Breeching rope viz. of 6-inch, four coils, weighing 

upon any monture (elevation) assigned.' The recoil was thus 
apparently taken by the rope, which triced the muzzle up to the 
edge of the port. 

1 For loading the powder charge. Each nature of gun had its 
special ladle of a size to contain the proper charge. 

- Cubical shot, used like the later grape and cannister. 

3 The Morris, Morrice, or Moorish pike, a shorter weapon 
than the ordinary infantry pike. 

4 An inferior kind of halberd. 

5 Forelocks were keys of wood or metal for fastening or 
locking the chamber in its firing position. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 31 

2 1 cwt. 3 qrs. weight ; of 5-inch, four coils, weighing 
1 8 cwt. 2 qrs. ; of 4-inch, four coils, weighing 1 5 cwt. 
2 qrs. 8 Ibs., and of 3-inch, four coils, weighing 
10 cwt. 3 qrs. 5 Ibs. Rope for bowsing tackle and 
lashers, 1 two coils, weighing 6 cwt. 2 qrs. 10 Ibs. 

And for the Aid : culverins of brass four, weighing 
141 cwt. 2 qrs. 12 Ibs. weight; demi-culverins of brass 
four, weighing 95 cwt. 2 qrs. 23 Ibs. weight ; sacres of 
brass ten, weighing 152 cwt. 2 qrs. 2 Ibs. weight ; 
minions of brass four, weighing 45 cwt. i qr. 23 Ibs. 
weight ; falcons of brass four, weighing 3 1 cwt. i qr. 
27 Ibs. weight ; fowlers of brass four, weighing 
2,507 Ibs. weight ; chambers of brass to the same 
eight, weighing 8 cwt. i qr. 7 Ibs. weight ; bases 
of iron, with three chambers, two. Carriages : 
for culverins four, for demi-culverins four, for sacres 
ten, for minions four, for falcons four, for fowlers 
four. Ladles : for culverins two, for demi-culverins 
one, for sacres nine, for minions two, for falcons two. 
Sponges : for culverins two, for demi-culverins one, 
for sacres six, for minions two, for falcons two. 
Staves for ladles twenty-eight. Round shot : for 
culverin 90, for demi-culverins 80 ; sacre shot 328, 
minion shot 140, falcon shot 158. Cross-barred 
shot : for culverin ten, for demi-culverin twenty. 
Cross-barred shot : for sacre twenty-six, for minion 
twenty-six, and for falcon two. Stone shot for fowlers 
seventy-six. Heads and rammers twenty-six. Linch- 
pins twenty-two pair. Morrispikes ten, blackbills 
twenty. Crows of iron four, sledges three, pick- 
hammers two. Quoins sixty. Tailing hooks furnished 
six, ladle hooks eight, hooks for bowsing tackle two, 
spikes eighteen. Truckles eight pair. Forms for car- 

1 ' Lashers are properly those ropes only which bind 
fast the tackles and the breechings of the ordnance when they 
are haled or made fast within board ' (Boteler's Sea Dialogues 
P- 273)- 


touches : for sacre one, for minion one, for falcon one. 
Forelocks for fowlers ten, extrees twelve. Melting 
ladle one, commander one. Tampions three score. 
Skallops 1 for fowlers eight, skallop pins two. Budge- 
barrel one, tanned hide one. Breeching rope of 6-inch, 
one coil ; of 5-inch, four coils ; of 4-inch, four coils ; and 
of 3-inch, four coils, weighing together 5,828 Ibs. 
And rope for bowsing tackle and lashers, two coils, 
weighing 528 Ibs. In witness whereof, either the 
parties aforesaid to these present Indentures inter- 
changeably have put their hands the day and year 
first above written. 



[S.P. Dom. clxxx. 56.] 

Mensi Julii 1585. 
Anno Regino Eliz. 27. 

Powder and munitions delivered to Sir Francis 
Drake, Knight, by force of a letter directed to 
the office of the ordnance, signed by the Right 
Honourable the Earl of Leicester and Sir Francis 
Walsingham and by the Right Worshipful Sir 

1 This word does not occur in the text-books of the time. 
From the fact that it had a pin attached it is possible it was the 
' foot with holes ' which formed the elevating and depressing 
gear of a fowler carriage. See above, p. 29, note 4. 

2 Endorsement. This paper presumably contains a list of 
what was issued to Drake in his capacity as a privateer, as dis- 
tinguished from what he received by Indenture as Admiral of the 
Queen's ships. At f. 58 in the same volume is a note of powder 
delivered at the same time. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 33 

Philip Sidney, Knight, 1 with the values of the same, 
videlicet : 

Cannon corn powder, 7 lasts, at lod. s - <*- 

the Ib 700 o o 

Fine corn powder, i last di., at \id. 

the Ib. 2 165 o o 

Match, 4,000 Ib. weight, at 22$. the 

hundredweight. . . . 44 o o 
Bastard muskets, 3 100, at 23^. the 

piece 90 o o 

Bows, 200, at 45. the piece . . 40 o o 

Arrows, 400 sheaf, at 2s. the sheaf . 40 o o 

Halberts, gilt, 25 at 13^. \d. the piece 1613 4 
Partizans, gilt, 50, at \$s. ^d. the 

piece . . 33 6 8 
Boarspears, broad, and graven with 

roses, 50, at los. the piece . 25 o o 
Boarspears, of the lesser sort, 50, at 

45. the piece . . . . 10 o o 

Long pikes, 400, at 3^. the piece . 60 o o 

Short pikes, 100, at 2s. the piece . 10 o o 

Black bills, 200, at is. 6d. the piece 15 o o 

Summa 1,249 o o 

[S.P. Dom. clxxix. 36. Holograph. Addressed.] 

Sir, My great proof of your good favour and 
acceptance of my unfeigned good will, long since 

1 By Patent dated July 21 Sidney had just been joined in the 
office of Master of the Ordnance with the Earl of Warwick. 
Walsyngham signed probably as Secretary of State. 

2 In this item the 'last ' works out at 3,300 Ibs. ; in the first 
item, at 2,400 Ibs. 

3 Presumably a compromise between the full-sized musket 
and the smaller caliver. The price should be iSs., not 23.9. 

4 Governor of the Isle of Wight, perhaps the most important 



professed and avowed to honour and serve you, 
maketh me not only bold to believe you love and 
wish me well, but also presume to repose a sure 
trust of your good favour as assured to pleasure me 
as occasion shall serve, and your goodwill ready to 
direct me by your opinion in all actions doubtful 
wherein I shall frankly desire your advice. The 
sundry reports brought hither (which by their 
coming is enlarged at the pleasure of the bringers,) 
that the King of Spain hath dealt so hardly with 
our merchants their ships and goods, and farther is 
in determination to give some new attempt against 
this realm, giveth not only myself, but many others 
occasion to think that her Majesty will not endure 
the injury unrequited, but procure amends and 
satisfaction either by public war or secret admit- 
tance of her subjects to take their revenge and 
recovery of their losses. Now whether the state 
of matters stand presently upon so hard terms or 
no, and whether course by her Majesty is most 
like to be taken, I humbly beseech your Honour's 
trouble to resolve and advertise me. If these un- 
kind dealings offered break out into wars, the seat of 
this place may breed me some advantage to watch 
every opportunity of meeting the ordinary passenger 
barks freight with oranges, which under that small 
show doth often carry the Spanish pay into Flanders. 
If [there be] only a secret sufferance of her Majesty's 
subjects to take some revenge upon the King and 
his, then will I make suit by you and other my 
good friends to be admitted amongst the number 
of such adventurers as either will lose part of what 
they have or get more from the King of Spain. 
In the meantime, if I may have your word, it shall 

post in the system of national defence. This paper is endorsed 
'To know how her Majesty will revenge the arrest in Spain. 
Whether we shall visit Flud,' &c. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 35 

be warrant sufficient for me to prepare what by 
myself or friends I may against him. 

That her Majesty shall not need to espy the 
faults of those which will venture their own to do 
her service, I think may well stand without breach 
of league, no less than Strozzi's attempt to the 
Terceiras by the French King winked at ; and that 
her Majesty, during the interim of reconciliations to 
be made, suffer her subjects to repair their losses 
and yet somewhat to annoy the King without her 
private charge, in my poor opinion shall be both 
necessary and honourable. 1 

It may please you also to know that one Flood, 2 
a valiant and skilful pirate, weary as he protesteth 
of his former trade, vowing to lead a new and 
better life, seeketh to come in upon my word, and 
maketh offer of his service to be employed upon all 
the coast of Spain to discover what is in action or 
intended against us, only craving to be victualled, 
and if hereafter he shall be found to deserve his 
pardon, then to have it ; the which cost of victual I 
will with your good liking adventure to disburse, 
seeing nothing shall be hazarded but the loss of 
him, whose loss is of small importance, and whose 
present service may be of some value. So 
fearing I have been over bold and tedious, resting 
ready in all faithful goodwill to serve and honour 

1 He refers to the attempt by Strozzi under French patronage 
to establish Don Antonio, the Portuguese Pretender, in the 
Azores. Immediately after Drake's return from his voyage round 
the world, he had been engaged with Hawkyns, Leicester, and 
Walsyngham in elaborating a similar scheme with the view of 
establishing an advanced naval base at the rendezvous of the 
Spanish East and West India fleets. After much hesitation, the 
Queen finally refused to permit the attempt, and Don Antonio 
had retired in disgust to France. From thence he sailed with an 
insufficient force, and was defeated at St. Michael's by Santa Cruz. 

2 MS. Flud. 

D 2 


you, I commit you to the tuition of the only Al- 
mighty. From Carisbrooke Castle this 25th of 
June 1585. 

Your Honour's assured to command, 


[S.P. Dom. clxxx. 15. Endorsed.] 

Articles set down by the Lords and others of her 
Majesty's Privy Council for those merchants, owners 
of ships, and others whose goods have been arrested 
in Spain, and have licence from the Lord Admiral 
to reprise upon the Spaniards according to a com- 
mission granted by her Majesty in that behalf. 

1 . In primis. That all such merchants and others 
as desire to have letters of reprisal for the taking 
and detaining the goods of the subjects of the King 
of Spain shall first make proof before the Lord 
Admiral or his lieutenant, Judge of the Admiralty, 
that their goods have been stayed in such sort, and 
of all such losses and damages as they pretend them- 
selves to have sustained by any stay or censure 1 of their 
ships, goods, and merchandises in Spain, Portugal, or 
elsewhere in the King of Spain his dominions. 

2. Item. That it shall be lawful for the said 
merchants and others to set upon by force of arms, 
and to take and apprehend upon the seas, any of the 
ships or goods of the subjects of the King of Spain 
in as ample and full manner as if it were in the time 
of open war between her Majesty and the said King 
of Spain. 

3. Item. That the said merchants and others 
shall give bonds before the said Lord Admiral or 
his lieutenant, Judge of the Admiralty, that they and 

1 That is, 'condemnation.' Cf. Othello v. ii. line 368. 



every of them shall bring such ships and goods as 
they shall so take and apprehend to some port of 
this her Majesty's realm of England as shall be most 
convenient for them, and not l break bulk, before 
the vice-admiral of the same port or his deputy 
or other public officers of the same port be made 
acquainted therewith, that there may be presently a 
true inventory of the said goods taken, and a true 
appraisement made by some' six honest men, inha- 
bitants of the said port, and to return the said inven- 
tory and appraisement into the High Court of the 
Admiralty within six weeks then next after ensuing, 
as likewise not to attempt anything against any of 
her Majesty's loving subjects, or the subjects of any 
other princes or states in good league and amity 
with her Majesty, but only against the subjects of 
the King of Spain. 

4. Item. That after the said inventory taken, and 
appraisement made in manner and form above 
expressed, it shall be lawful for the said merchants 
and others to keep in their possession the said ships, 
goods, and merchandise, and to make sale and dis- 
pose thereof in open markets, or howsoever else to 
their best benefit, in as ample manner as at any time 
heretofore hath been accustomed by the law of re- 
prisal, and to have and enjoy the same as lawful 
prizes, and as their own proper goods. 

5. Item. That all and every her Majesty's sub- 
jects or any other person who shall either in his own 
person serve or otherwise bear any charge or adven- 
ture, or in any other sort further and set forward the 
said enterprise according to these articles, shall not 
in any manner of wise be reputed or challenged for 
any offender against any of her Majesty's laws, but 
shall stand and be, by virtue of the commissicns 

1 MS. has ' to,' but ' not ' is clearly intended. 


from the said Lord Admiral, free and freed as under 
her Majesty's lawful protection of and from all 
trouble and vexation that might in any wise grow 

6. Item. That it shall be lawful for all manner of 
persons, as well her Majesty's subjects as any other, 
to buy of the said goods and merchandise so taken 
and apprehended by the said merchants and others 
as aforesaid without any danger, let, hindrance, 
trouble, molestation, or incumbrance to befall the 
said buyers, or any of them, and in as ample 
and lawful manner as if the said goods had been 
come by through the lawful traffic of merchants, or 
as just prizes in the time of open war. 

7. Item. That the said merchants and others, 
before the taking of their commissions from the said 
Lord Admiral, shall give notice to the said Lord, 
or his lieutenant-Judge of the Admiralty, of the 
name of the ship, of her tonnage and burden, and 
the name of the captain or master of the same ship, 
with the number of mariners and men in her, and 
for how long time they are victualled, and also of 
their ordnance, furniture, and munition, to the 
intent there may be an account be made of the 
return of the ordnance. 

8. I tern. That the goods, ships, and merchandise 
so taken as before, after an inventory and appraise- 
ment of them made in manner and form aforesaid, 
shall be equally divided into three parts, whereof 
one part to go to the merchants and owners of the 
ship or ships which shall take the said prizes, another 
part to the victuallers, and the third part to the 
captain, master, mariners, and soldiers of the said 
ship or ships. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 39 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxiii. 10. 4-11 October 1585. Signed. 
No endorsement nor address.] 

In the Road by Vigo, the 4th of October 1585. 

Right Honourable, Of our preparation to sea- 
ward I did write you particularly from Plymouth, 
after which time we had fair weather, but for the 
most part contrary and scant winds to bring us 
hither. In the way, a little before our coming to 
Cape Finisterre, even the day before, we met with a 
ship of some seven score tons burden, laden with fish, 
and come from the New-found-land, the chase whereof 
being undertaken, first by myself and after by the 
Admiral, was first spoken withal, and made to strike 
by my ship. But I did forbear to put any man 
aboard of her until the Admiral himself did send 
some of his own and mine together. The master 
and company of her do pretend the ship to be of 
St. Jean de Luz, and themselves to be all of that 
place and thereabouts within the borders of France ; 
but they all confess even the master himself, who 
is sole owner of her also that the ship, being four 
years old, hath made none other voyage than four 
voyages to the New-found-land, and that every 
voyage she hath unladen and sold her fish every time 
at Passages and San Sebastian, 1 and that the ship 
stirreth not from thence, but rideth still there until 
the next season of going to fish again. And then, 
because victual in those parts is extreme dear, they 
use either to send for and provide their victual 
from Rochelle, or else to take it in their way with 
the ship, and so to victual her for her voyage from 

1 In the margin is ' In Spain 


Divers bulls of pardon from the Pope were found 
in her, which had been purchased by the men in 
the ship, whose names were entered in writing into 
such space and void places as had been left for the 
same purpose at the imprinting ; and all the bulls 
were in the Spanish tongue. 

All these things considered together, the General 
hath thus determined in himself that the fish being 
a special good provision for our voyage, which is 
somewhat more charged with men than he thought 
on, he will therefore take the fish for his service ; 
and if, upon his return, it be evidently approved to 
be French goods, he will pay for the same. 

Being fallen with the Cape, 1 we found some eight 
or nine sail of small French ships, which had carried 
(as it seemed) wheat to Lisbon, and were now re- 
turning homewards laden with salt, the provision 
whereof being thought greatly requisite in some 
better quantity than was yet made, it was resolved 
to take one of the barks ; which accordingly was, 
done, with intention that the General shall give 
order for the payment thereof. The rest of them 
were all presently discharged. She that was stayed 
is thought to be a meet bark for many services, 
being of some 40 or 45 tons, and is new. 2 

After our arrival into the road of the Isles of 
Bayona, 3 which happened the 27th of September, the 
ships being all at anchor, and the storm somewhat 
great, there came in amongst them myself being 
then removed with four ships more to this place a 
bark of 60 tons of St. Malo, laden with sugar, being 
come, as she pretends, from the Madeira. But it 
was found upon examination that the master of her 

1 Finisterre. 

1 The Summary Discourse in Hakluyt says she had been 
abandoned by her crew, that she was rechristened the ' Drake/ 
and afterwards duly paid for. 

3 The Cies Islets at the mouth of the Vigo River. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 41 

is slain, the master-gunner and some others slain, 
and another or twain of like importance sore hurt, 
being in their beds unable to stir ; whereby it was 
rather presumed that she was some ship of war, and 
with stripes had gotten this lading from some Por- 
tugal or Spaniard ; albeit by them it is pretended 
for excuse herein that this mischance happened by 
the breaking of a piece which was shot off at their 
coming from the Madeira for pleasure. But any 
sign thereof in any part of the ship, or any other 
evidence than their words, cannot be seen, nor 
found, and withal they have been seen throwing 
overboard in the night their papers, whereby they 
mistrusted (as it should seem) their matters might 
be detected. What will fall out herein I know not, 
and therefore cannot write the same as yet. Thus 
much of these matters, as they have fallen to my 
knowledge, I thought good to write your honour, 
although I must confess I would have more willingly 
wished them to taste none other than plain ren- 
counters of mere English and mere Spanish. 

Our putting in with this port was done upon 
these reasons and occasions. First, we doubted 
some stormy weather, which accordingly fell out to 
prove a very sore tempest, and of four days' con- 
tinuance ; and therefore we thought good, while it 
was yet fair and clear, to recover this harbour, 
doubting the contrary wind, which already was fallen 
upon us, growing to be any whit greater, would at 
least drive us to leeward of the cape, if it did not 
disperse us. [Second,] the refurnishing ourselves 
with water, the giving to many of our ships their 
needful wants out of the store, which store is dis- 
persed into several ships, and was more hastily 
sent aboard than that it might be so orderly imparted 
to every ship, because the wind being fair upon our 
coming from Plymouth, we were loth to lose the 


same for any small matters, coming so rarely as it 
doth there, and withal we not the most assured of 
her Majesty's perseverance to let us go forward. 
[Third,] the setting down some further direction to 
our people, I mean Articles of Order for their good 
behaviour both by sea and land. And lastly, which 
was not the least, to make our proceeding known 
to the King of Spain, if he may find and see more 
apparently that we nothing fear any intelligence he 
hath gotten by all the spials he hath either in 
England or elsewhere. And truly, were our soldiers 
so trained men as to know but some part of their 
order, I would think (if it might be so purposed) 
to make ourselves masters of his town of Bayona 
once within five days at the most, with the number 
which we have here, and the provision of munition 
which our ships are well able to spare and furnish. 
But to show what is passed. It may please 
your Honour to understand that the 27th of last 
month, as is aforesaid, we anchored at the Islands of 
Bayona, being two leagues from the town of Bayona, 
and forthwith manned our pinnaces and our ships' 
boats, meaning to show our men and means to land 
them in good number together, and so, with a view 
taken of the place, to return aboard. But in the way, 
as we were rowing up to the townward, we met a boat, 
sent from the Governor of Bayona, with an English 
merchant in her, one Shorte or Sharpe, a man of 
ten or twelve years' residence in these parts, and 
with him some two or three Spaniards, whereof was 
a soldier of some judgment. Their instructions 
were thus : The Governor, seeing so many ships 
come to anchor together, sent them as his ordinary 
messengers in the like occasions, to see what ships 
they were, and whether they had any corn in them, 
whereof the country hath great need already, and 
is like to have a great deal more before it be long, 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 43 

insomuch as they greatly feel a sore dearth to come 
amongst them. These men, as messengers, the 
General returned back again, and with them Captain 
Sampson, whom I brought with me out of Ireland 
and [who] was with me there all the time of my being 
there, but [I] could not have means to present him to 
your Honour during my last being in England, by 
reason of his long absence from London amongst 
his friends in the country. 1 Unto him was given 
this instruction That since the Governor had sent 
to know what we were, he was to certify him that 
we were English ships sent from her Majesty to 
demand the cause of imprisoning her subjects, and 
taking the goods from them as if it were an open 
war. And in case it were the intention of the King 
of Spain to hold them thus by force and thereby 
to give cause of war, then we were to proceed 
accordingly with his as far as we might. We 
thought meet to send Captain Sampson because he 
is of good judgment, and able to certify the estate 
of the place and the people. 

He began his message with question to know 
of the Governor whether he would make war or 
peace. 'For,' saith he, 'our General is come hither 
to your own home to let you have peace if you 
satisfy his reasonable demands ; and with the con- 
trary, to give you war to the uttermost.' Which 
vehemency he presumed to use the rather when 
he saw their weakness in every respect, and so 

1 Captain John Sampson was one of Carleill's two ' corporals 
of the field ' or aides-de-camp. At the close of the campaign of 
1588 he was given the command of the Hope in the Channel 
guard. Professor Laughton (Defeat of the Armada, ii. 182) sug- 
gests he had been her master under Crosse. But he was certainly 
a military officer. He was most likely not on the Hope at all 
until he was put in command, for he was specially chosen by 
Norreys to assist him in mobilising the south-eastern forces 
(Foljambe Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., Rep. xv. v. 34). In 1589 
he was Lieutenant-Colonel of Drake's regiment. 


proceeded to the matter of our merchants' stay. 
Whereunto the Governor answered that to make 
war or peace between the two princes was more 
than his mean condition might do. Again, his 
commission stretched not so far. The merchants 
were not (as he said) under any arrest, but that they 
might dispose of themselves and their goods at 
their own pleasure. If the watering or any fresh 
victual of their country might stand our General in 
any stead, he was ready to pleasure him therewith, 
as one captain, in honest courtesy, might and ought to 
do to another, their princes being in league together. 

In this meanwhile, the better to countenance 
the intention of the message, we advanced still 
with our pinnaces, and myself with some others 
being sent a good way before them all in five 
rowing small skiffs, to take the best view I might 
of the place, which I send herewith described as well 
as may be permitted for the present. 

The General upon this answer put himself and 
his people on shore in a place of good assurance, 
and sent the merchant Sharpe to the town again for 
some of the English merchants, and withal to tell 
the Governor that if his answer would be approved 
true, then of his part he would likewise use all peace- 
able means, and therefore he could wish that the 
Governor should come himself unto us, for the better 
conclusion of all things. Whereunto was returned 
by the said Sharpe, and other merchants who came 
with him, that the next day the Governor would 
come himself to our General and make that firm 
conclusion which were requisite. 

By this time it was midnight ; and the weather 
threatening to alter, we presently altered de- 
termination, and shipping ourselves and people 
again returned with all speed to our ships, whenas 
the storm began and put some of the pinnaces 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 45 

to their shifts ; and the next day grew to be so 
great that albeit we rode under the lee and favour 
of the island, yet many of our ships made very 
foul weather, insomuch that the bark Talbot, the 
bark Hawkyns, 1 and another small bark with a 
caravel, the said bark being called the Speedwell, 1 
were all forced to leave the road by losing 
their cables ; and, as we understand now, the 
Talbot with her pinnace did put into Pointa 
Fedra, where they be safe, a good harbour, 
distant from the Islands of Bayona some two or 
three leagues. [In margin, The bark Hawkyns 
came in again with great hazard. The Speedwell 
is as yet unheard of.] 

The day following, the storm being for some 
time a little assuaged, and the General advertised of 
a caravel or twain that should be gotten up the river 
or sound above Vigo, wherein might be some good 
things for our relief, it was thought convenient to 
send after them some three or four good ships ; 
which being appointed to be mine, the Thomas, the 
Francis, and the Galley, with our pinnaces, they 
were all committed to my charge. 2 We beat up as 
far as was convenient, but found none other but some 

1 Neither the bark Hawkyns nor the Speedwell appears in 
Cates's list. She may have been the Hope, which was also called 
the Hope Hawkyns. There was, however, another bark Hawkyns 
serving in Drake's squadron in 1588. The Speedwell returned 
to England and was refitted, but never rejoined. (Seeflost, p. 91.) 

2 CarleilFs ship was the Tiger of 200 tons. The Thomas 
was a ship of the same tonnage belonging to Sir Francis 
Drake and commanded by his brother Thomas. The Francis 
was probably also his, and was commanded by one of his oldest 
and most devoted followers, Tom Moone. He was with Drake 
in 1573 as carpenter of the Swan, and on the Voyage of Circum- 
navigation as captain of the Benedict. The galley was probably 
the Duck galliot, commanded by Richard Hawkyns, afterwards 
famous as Sir Richard, ' the perfect seaman.' The first-class or 
decked pinnaces were apparently four in number. 


bad caravels, the one laden with hoops and wood, 
another with salt, and the third with onions and 
garlic. Many boats we found, laden with the house- 
hold stuff of such as dwelt near the water side, 
fleeing up into the highest and shallowest water, 
where, amongst others, fell to my hands one wherein 
was laden a chest with the furniture of the high 
church of Vigo. All the copes and plate were in it, 
whereof one cross was as much as a man might carry, 
being very fine silver of excellent workmanship, and 
all gilt over double. The whole plate which was 
in the said chest, as well the crosses as other 
things, could not have cost less, or so little, as 500 
marks. But the next morning, the ist of October, 
the General with his fleet came up to our harbour, 
being far more quiet and safe than the islands. 

Before his coming there was a ship or twain with- 
out my knowledge had put their men on land, and by 
chance had lost a man, who, straggling from his 
company, was killed in a house by some peasants, as 
was to be judged at some time of advantage. The 
man lost was none of our fleet, but of the George 
Bonadventure, 1 a ship of war of London, whom we 
met withal upon the coast. I sent Captain 
Sampson to retire these men from the shore, with 
some 80 men of my own ship and another, who was 
rencountered with 200 of the Spaniards, many of 
them shot, 2 some pikes, and some other weapons. 
They had two or three slain, and of ours one hurt 
with a shot in the arm ; and so they retired without 
any more hurt done. 

The next day \in margin, i Octobris] the 
Governor of Bayona came to the shore side, and 
with a white flag waved unto us. The General sent 

1 She belonged to the Levant Company and served against 
the Armada (Defeat of the Spanish Armada, ii. pp. 328, 338). 

2 I.e. musketeers or harquebusiers. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 47 

to the shore to know what they demanded, which 
was assurance to speak with him ; and the same 
being promised, two pledges were required for the 
Governor and some other gentlemen to embark 
themselves into one of our own boats to confer with 
the General upon the perfecting of the composition 
which the other day had been begun between them. 
Captain Crosse and Captain Erizo, 1 desiring to be 
employed for pledges, were upon their own requests 
appointed thereunto. And so the Governor, putting 
himself into one of our boats, came to meet our 
General half-way between our ships and the shore ; 
where the Governor, leaving the boat wherein he 
came from the shore and entering into the General's 
boat, he desired to be private. Whereupon we, who 
came with the General from his ship, went all into 
the other boat to the Governor's company, saving 
Captain Frobiser, who stayed with the General. 
And there they concluded between themselves that 
peace should be wholly entertained of all parts, and 
that restitution should be made of all things which 
might possibly be found, the two pledges of ours to 
remain with the Governor, and to appoint a couple 
from him, which he did presently out of the company 
that came there with him ; and so, after an hour 
spent, we parted, he to the shore and we to the ships 
with his pledges, which were two young gentlemen 
of good calling, dwelling at Vigo and thereabout. 

The day following ^ came sundry other gentle- 
men aboard to view and see our ships ; and our 
people went in like sort to the shore and furnished 
themselves of water, the weather for the most part 
continuing very wet, insomuch as we could make 

1 Captain Robert Crosse (Bark Bond), afterwards Sir Robert 
Crosse, a distinguished flag-officer of the later years of the war, 
and Drake's Vice- Admiral in 1588 ; and Captain James Erizo, 
Erisey, Elisey, Elizey, Elises, &c. (White Lion). 

2 I.e. October 3. 


no despatch of any other thing almost, more than 
watering ; at least wise what was done was the worse 
for the rain that fell, and the wind still as contrary 
as might be. 

In the road under the Isles of Bayona, the loth of October 1585. 

Two days since J we turned down from Vigo to 
this place, and yesterday the weather growing 
somewhat fair, but the wind still contrary, Captain 
Frobiser and myself were sent towards Bayona 
with three pinnaces, and with us the Spanish 
pledges that we might demand and bring aboard 
our own pledges, and deliver the Spaniards. The 
Governor himself was content to come and bring 
our English pledges with him, and upon our coming 
from our pinnaces in a small rowing boat of our 
own, to meet us in a like small rowing boat of his, 
which done, the pledges on both sides were de- 
livered. Touching our merchants, he gave his 
word that this day they shall come unto us all that 
would, and their goods they should dispose at their 
own pleasure. Divers of the merchants, as it is 
thought, will rather choose to remain than to with- 
draw, because they cannot retire their goods or 
substance with them, the same consisting in debts 
due unto them by sundry of the country people, 
and the times of payment to come, some at two 
months, some at three or four months hence. 

Our two captains which were pledges do assure 
us that they have assembled some thousand men, 
whereof seven or eight hundred to be very well 
furnished soldiers of sundry garrisons drawn to- 
gether ; and that this night there is expected the 
arrival of a bishop, who brings with him six or 
seven hundred more. 

This morning the wind is growing a little 
1 I,e. October 8. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 49 

northerly, which threatens our departure from 
hence, and so to leave this bark, which must con- 
vey these letters, being of London, and came hither 
to have laden herself with fruits, as also to work 
what means she might to release a small flyboat 
that was here arrested before. The bark is called 
the Jonas, 1 and the master Titus Johnston. If this 
bark do happen to keep company any longer with 
us, and if there fall out any other thing worth the 
writing, it shall be added. In the meanwhile I 
take my humble leave, and beseech the Almighty 
to send your Honour all happiness. Aboard the 
Tiger, this icth of October, 1585. 

The 1 1 th ready to set sail. 

Yesterday the wind scanted again, and no 
merchants nor any other came from the shore. 2 

Most bound to do your Honour all service, 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxiii. 49. Signed and addressed, with seal. En- 
dorsed in Thomas Edmund's hand, October 14, 1585.] 

Sir, In discharge of part of the unfeigned duty 
I owe you I have presumed to write these few 
lines, which I beseech you humbly to accept of, and 
think whatsoever favours it hath vouchsafed you to 
show me I will be thankful for ever. 

To recite all the particulars happened since our 
departure from Plymouth were but to let you 
from greater cares. Notwithstanding thus much I 

1 Of 50 tons. Served as victualler in 1588. 

2 Wynter's despatch which follows is dated October 24, ' at 
anchor by Vigo in Gallicia,' as though they were weather-bound 
for a fortnight longer. It is probably a mistake, for by the Log 
attached to the Summary Discourse the wind came fair at NNW on 
the nth, and they sailed, sighting the Canaries on the 24th. 
CarleilFs letter was evidently closed and signed in great haste. 



have thought good to acquaint you with, that the 23rd 
of September we fell with Cape Finisterre, and from 
thence went directly with the Isles of Bayona, 
within a quarter of a mile of which town we landed 
with 700 men strong, thinking to have entered with 
our forces ; but so honourable were the conditions 
of peace offered to our General by the Governador 
Don Pedro de Almudos that as well himself as the 
rest of us thought it in judgment better policy to 
accept them than to have entered the town (being 
otherwise furnished than we imagined) with assured 
loss. From thence, having in the entry of the bay 
endured a dangerous storm of three days, and besides 
being there no fit place of watering for so great a 
fleet, we went higher up the river to a town called 
Vigo, directly standing upon the same, whither came 
down eight or nine ensigns of the enemy with pur- 
pose to have letted our landing for water (which 
was one principal cause why we put in here) ; where 
after some light skirmish, having lost four or five of 
their men and we one, belike mistrusting their forces, 
the Governador sent to parley with our General ; 
which being granted he met us half-way between 
the shore and our ships in a skiff, which was sent 
him, with far less mistrust than is commonly seen 
either in soldiers or any of his kind or calling. 
The conclusions was this : we should safely water, 
whatsoever necessaries we wanted should be minis- 
tered unto us according to the ability of so barren 
and poor a country as is Galicia, and lastly that 
our English merchants with their goods whatsoever 
might depart at their own choice and liberty. With 
other accidents that shall happen I will, God 
willing, acquaint you as opportunity and time will 
permit. In the meanwhile and ever I desire ear- 
nestly to remain in your good favour, which I will 
be most glad to continue with all duty and affection. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 51 

From aboard the Aid, riding at anchor by 
Vigo in Galicia, the 24th of October. 1 
Your Honour's most dutifully at 

commandment ever, 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxiii. 28. Deciphered. Copy.] 

From home I can give you no occurrence of the 
Indian fleets, that only being arrived that cometh 
from Mexico, the others from Peru and the East 
Indies not yet heard of. God grant that Drake 
have not met with them, for upon advice of his 
going to sea all foreign ships were stayed in all the 
ports of Spain and Portugal. Nevertheless all the 
English that were at Lisbon be since licensed, and 
departed upon suit of the City and country to the 
number of above 30 vessels, and after them as 
many Flemish got away by stealth without licence, 
for which some of the City are punished since that 
were of their counsel. In all other parts they are 
yet stayed. Of the King's return from Arragon no 
speech yet. And so to God I commend you, and 
myself right heartily unto you. The 29 of October 
'85, you know where and by whom. 

I cannot yet learn whether Brother Anthony be 
alive or dead, nor what was Ingram's executor, or 
had that little which he left behind him, for he had 
certain books of mine when he went to my Lord's 
service of whose re-delivery I was never advised. 

Since this was written the first advice is come 
that Drake hath played the dragon upon the coast 

1 See preceding note. This was the last despatch received at 
home before the return of the expedition at the end of July 1586. 

E 2 


Galicia and Portugal, from whence he hath taken 
sundry ships and galleys, and put so many soldiers 
on land at Bayona as the opinions be yet doubtful 
whether he hath taken it and sacked it, or be forced 
to return by country people. And it is said that 
Don Antonio is with him. 1 

Copy to Margate from Inglesfield. 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxv. 16.] 

From Dartmouth, loth of December 1585. 
Since the writing hereof here arrived in the 
harbour a merchant that came from Lisbon, one 
Walker Squior, who arrived here as upon the loth 
of this present of December at night, who brought 
news that there is in Lisbon upon 80 sail of hulks 
from one hundred tons to 800 tons, of Holland, 
Zeeland, and Hamburg. And there is above 20 
galleons of the King's between 500 and 300 tons. 
And 40 sail of Biskay ships from a 100 to 500, of 
which 40, 20 were in road and the rest about the 
dock. And that the report goeth that there cometh 
to Lisbon 30 thousand Tedescos, 20 thousand 
Italians sent by the Pope, and 5 thousand Spaniards, 
old soldiers and gentlemen, 7 thousand Porting- 
galls granted by the Chamber of Lisbon, and 
that these navies are making ready with all expedi- 
tion and minds to come as they say for England, 
and that their first port shall be the Isle of Wight. 
Moreover, he saith that at Seville they be making 
ready of tents and pavilions fit for the army, so 
that he minds and pretends some great enterprise. 
Moreover, he saith that there is wanting two of the 

1 Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, the Portuguese Pretender, was 
at this time a refugee at Drake's country house, Buckland Abbey. 



ships that were bound for the Indies, and that the 
one of them is thought to be more worth than all 
the rest, and she which brings the Negro King 
with her. Moreover, the Galleon of Malacca is 
bound for the Indies, and is ready to depart with 
the first fair wind, and is laden as he saith with 
reals, and is thought to be worth 800 thousand 
ducats. I would to God it were our good fortune 
to meet with either of them to see if we could fight 
or no, and if it please God we should take them or 
one of them, then I would to God thou wert a 
sharing with us. Moreover, there is 4 galleasses 
to come from Naples to meet with the fleet at 
Lisbon, and they are appointed to be ready by the 
5th of March at the farthest. 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxv. 32. Holograph in Burghley's hand.] 

25 December. 

Matters to be imparted to her Majesty. 
For de Grytre 1 : 50,000 crowns is in sterling 
money, at 6s. 2\d. the crown, i5,4oo/. 

1. Condition of delivery upon Casimir's 2 taking 

upon him the charge. 

2. Assurance of repayment by the King of 


3. Assurance that the army shall not return 

without a peace be made. 
To send to the King of Denmark to declare 

1 Probably the Sieur de Guitry, or Guitery, a Privy Councillor 
of Henry of Navarrewh o at this time had a mission to raise 
troops in Germany. Baird, The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre ; 
i. 390. He had been active in the cause since 1574 (see Foreign 
Calendars flassim). 

2 Duke John Casimir, brother of the Elector Palatine, who 
had previously made a diversion in favour of the Protestants with 
a force of German mercenaries in English pay. 


to him how cunningly the merchants of Danzig, 
Lubeck and other ports on the east side of 
the Sound have this summer time made great 
provision of grain and other victual and of all 
things belonging to shipping, and carried the same 
to Spain by passing the north of Scotland and west 
of Ireland ; to require him to consider how hereby 
the King of Spain hath been furnished for his navy 
which he hasteneth to lend all his forces (?) to annoy 
us and also to aid the French King and the Guises 
that are in league with the King of Spain against 
the King of Navarre. 

To consider how all further like provisions might 
be stayed during all this spring until June. 

The contract betwixt the Queen's Majesty and 
the States is to be considered as her Majesty shall 
appoint. There is an article that maketh provision 
for the furniture of the two towns of Flushing and 
Brill with all necessary ordnance, powder and match, 
as the Governor-General shall appoint. 

There are Commissioners in Kent charged to 
suffer no victuals to pass from any port into any 
foreign parts. 

Letters are written to charge them with the 
escape and to command them to repair to every port 
to enquire by all means possible of any offence 
committed and to offer secretly some reward to any 
that will discover it. 

Ortel hath brought certain articles from the 
States to be communicated with her Majesty for 
her pleasure to be known concerning the manner 
how the ships of the merchants of Holland may be 
employed with a trade of merchandise to other places 
than to those towns possessed by their enemies. 

For Ostend. According to the Earl of Leicester's 
letters written to the Commissioners of Kent for 
victual for Mr. Th. Walford, order is given to the 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 55 

Commissioners to cause one Mr. Ager to send 
unto Mr. Walford a quantity of wheat, malt, beer, 
and sea-coal for the strengthening of the place. The 
Earl of Leicester is to charge the States to furnish it 
with needful munition and a greater number of men, 
and to yield money for the pay of them and for 
building of strengths to defend it. 

For to impeach the provisions of Spain : there 
must be a consultation to make the Queen's Navy 
ready to be at Portsmouth before the 2Oth of March. 
Order to stay all warlike ships belonging to mer- 
chants and to have them ready. 

The Earl of Leicester is by Nicholas Gorges 
and some other Englishmen to procure a perfect 
survey of all ships belonging to every port in 
Holland and Zeeland and of all mariners and also to 
take order with the States to put in readiness accord- 
ing to their promise a number of ships of war to join 
with the Queen's Navy to be ready by the last of 
March. Mr. Pelham is commanded to go to the Earl 
of Leicester, who protesteth himself not able to go 
to serve in any office, but to serve as a private 
person he will obey her Majesty. 

There Mr. H. Killigrew is charged also to depart, 
who so will do with the next shipping. 

The contents of a private advice given to her 
Majesty in writing is considered, and thereof her 
Majesty shall be acquainted for Corfe Castle. It is 
resolved that Mr. Rich be licensed by her Majesty's 
warrant to put that Castle in strength. Letters shall 
be written to the Archbishop of York for Rob. Lea. 

There hath been a conference with the officers 
of the Navy, whose requests are in a paper apart. 

The officers also of the Ordnance have delivered 
their demands in a writing apart. 

Order also shall be taken, to have a register of 
all the gunners, both serving her Majesty in the 


ships and in forts and of others serving merchants, 
to as yearly they shall be viewed, that none depart 
the realm. 

Order must be taken how to describe a con- 
venient army to serve her Majesty's person as case 
shall require. 

And also to defend all maritime parts, of which 
matter many several things are to be thought of. 1 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 11.] 

Certain notes taken out of some letters written 
from Lisbon, in a ship of Emden, which arrived in 
the port of Plymouth the yth of January, 1585^ 

1. John Claus, a Dutch merchant, writeth to 
his brother Peter Claus, in Delft, that the King of 
Spain hath stayed and taken up all the masts for 
shipping, both great and small, so that there is 
likely of wars. Dated at Lisbon the 22nd of 
December, 1585. 

2. A letter written to Daniel Hoskyn from 
Seville to Lisbon, advertising that there were five 
Spanish ships taken by Englishmen coming from 
Santo Domingo ; and that the King hath taken 
up all the masts for provision of shipping. 

And that they do hear that the Queen of England 
hath taken the Low Countries into her hands. 

And that there is so many ships of war upon the 
coast of Spain that it is very dangerous to pass. 
Dated the loth of December last. 

The writer of this letter writeth not his name. 

3. A letter written from St. Lucar by one 

1 A number of disjointed memoranda are jotted down on the 

2 I.e. 1586, new style. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 57 

Matthew Downe, a Flemish merchant, to Ember 
Policornus, of Middelburg, that there departed from 
St. Lucar the 7th of December twelve ships laden 
with oils, wines, and fruits for Zeeland. Dated the 
7th of December, ut supra. 

4. By a letter written from Lisbon from Daniel 
Flamy to Adam Flamy his brother at Delft, it is 
signified that the English men-of-war have taken 
the number of thirty ships coming from Brazil and 
other places. And that the said men-of-war do daily 
take more ships continually, so that it is not possible 
for any merchant to travail. Dated the i8th of 
October, 1585. 

5. A letter written from Lisbon by Hans Mene- 
gen to Hans Ellers, of Hamburg. That the shipping 
of Hamburg that be at Lisbon will come home by 
the North, because of the bad news in England. 
Dated the Qth of December, 1585. 

In the 3 letters enclosed there is more news. 
Extracted per J. S. BLAND. 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 19.] 

13 Jan., 1585^ from St. Sebastian. 

As for train, 3 I think we shall have none this 
year. Those ships that have come home have in a 
manner brought none this year. The rest of the 
ships that want whales are greatly doubted that 
they will not come home this year, which if they do 
not come home it will be no sending home of 

This year they do make account not to send their 

1 Endorsement. 2 I.e. 1586, new style. 

3 MS. ' Treynes,' i.e. train-oil. 


ships for Newfoundland, so that of force train 
will be dear. Neither do I know how they can, for 
here is no corn to be had. Wheat is here in great 
request, and worth 22 reals their ' hanegg ' 1 or 
none to be had. The poor people cry out of this 
embargo. In this place as yet is no pretence of war. 
They say in Lisbon is an army making ready, but 
I do not hear it of any great certainty. 

About the i6th of January, 1585, from St. Lucar. 

It is reported by one that came lately from St, 
Lucar that there was 40 sail purported to go for the 
Indies, whereof 4 of them were spoiled with fire by 
themselves, one of them being the great French 
ship that was taken at the Terceiras, so as there 
went but 36, of the which there are 6 galleasses 2 that 
went for men of war, and the rest very well ap- 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 20.] 
Spain, 1 6th January 1585 (i.e. 1586). 

The King of Spain lay at Saragosa, where his 
daughter was married, and went from thence to 
Monzon, in Aragonia, being 16 leagues off, and 
there called a parliament about the loth of July, to 
which came the seigniors and governors of Ara- 
gonia and Valentia, in which parliament the King 
caused to be moved that they of those countries 

1 The Spanish han'ega is given by Minshew as 'a measure 
containing a bushell and a halfe.' William Melsam, however (see 
infra, p. 62), says 12,000 'hannecks' = 2,400 quarters, thus 
giving 5 han'egas to the quarter of 8 bushels, which makes the 
hanega a bushel and three-fifths. 

1 These were not true galleasses. They were probably some 
of the new galleons of the Indian guard. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 59 

should be sworn to his son, which they would not 
agree unto till his son were of age. 

They of Aragonia did refuse also, and deny the 
Inquisition from the Pope. 

The news of Sir Fra. Drake being at Bayona 
came unto the Court the Wednesday sevennight 
after his arrival there, which arrival was the I2th of 

The King of Spain was very sick at Monzon, 
and was let blood three times. There died there of 
the plague between a hundred and six score gentle- 
men of his own house, and thereupon he removed 
about the 24th of September to Barbastro, two 
leagues from Monzon. 

The Council of Spain were much out of tune 
when they heard of Sir Fra. Drake being at 

The Secretary called Don Juan de Idiaquez 1 and 
the Conde de Virata, Chief Justice, asked whether the 
Queen's Majesty had no ways to employ Sir Fra. 
Drake but to send him to make demand of the 
delivery of the English men, ships, and goods. 
But divers of the Indian captains and governors 
that were returned from thence said they did fear 
he was sent for the Indies, which did not a little 
trouble their Council, for they set upon that matter 
only, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. 

The Secretary and the Count of Virata in talk 
did demand whether the Queen's Majesty of England 
did know the King of Spain's forces, and whether 
it made not her and her people to quake ? It was 
answered the King having taken all Flanders and 
the Low Countries might easily win England, 
whereunto they answered ' A vengeance on it ! there 
were too many teeth.' 

1 MS. Don John Jacques. 


The King of Spain sent 1 2 ' Armathoes ' l to con- 
duct home the Indian fleet ; [who], for that the fleet 
stayed at the Islands 2 six or seven weeks longer than 
ever they were wont, the Armathoes returned back, 
and so the Indian fleet came home unguarded, 
saving only their own company, which might easily 
have been taken. 

The King of Spain, hearing of Sir Fra. Drake 
passing away, hath stayed the first Indian fleet that 
should have been set forth for this year, and doth 
mind to send both the fleets for the Indies together. 3 

The King's Secretary called Don Juan de 
Idiaquez and the Conte de Virata did in talk say that 
the Queen of England had done the King of Spain 
much harm, as though they would make show of some 
end for peace, but they openly publish and declare 
that they will this year come for England and Ireland, 
but they think to do most good upon Ireland. 

Upon the coming of Sir Fra. Drake the King 
directed letters to the Marquis of Santa Cruz 4 to 
arm to the seas 16 sail of great ships for the 
defence of the coast. 

There was stayed at Lisbon and those places 
thereabouts 125 sail of hulks, whereof 24 stole 
away, and one of them was taken and brought back 

1 A common English corruption of the Spanish Armado, 
meaning thereby a large armed ship or man-of-war. The word 
does not seem to have been commonly used in this sense by the 
Spaniards themselves. It is not given in Minshew's English- 
Spanish Dictionary of 1599. It was also wrongly used in England 
for ' Armada.' See Defeat of the Armada, i. 13 n. 

- That is, the Azores. 

5 Two convoys sailed yearly from Seville (San Lucar) for the 
Indies, one known as the Flota de Tierra Firme, for the Spanish 
Main, Central America, and the overland Peruvian trade ; the 
other the Flota de Nueva Espafia for Mexico. 

4 Alvaro de Bazan, Marquis of Santa Cruz, first commander- 
in-chief of the Great Armada. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 61 

The King of Spain prepareth a great Army 
and Navy, as well of galleys as of ships. 

The fleet of ' train ' men * were not come home 
the 27th of November, neither was there any news 
of their coming. 

There was, the said 27th of November, no pre- 
paration made in Biscay either of men or shipping. 

There is four ships of Biscay laden with 
Spanish wool for Rouen which are now at sea, and 
would be easily taken. 

It is published that the King of Spain, the 
French King, the Pope, the Duke of Savoy, the 
Duke of Guise, and the Emperor of [ 2 ] have 

confederated to extirp and overthrow all the Pro- 
testants, and this is set forth in print, and this was 
seen in Sir Fra. Inglefield's house in November, 
and this was agreed on at Monzon in August. 

The Emperor is about to marry his son to 
Donna Isabella of Spain. 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 54. Holograph.] 

Honourable, your poor orator William Melsam 
wisheth your health with increase of honour and 
dignity in your Honours' proceedings. It may please 
your Honours to understand that on Saturday last, 
being the 29th day of January, I was before your 
Honours to advertise you of the news in Spain. 
Whereas I left unspoken of some things of the 

1 I.e. the whaling fleet. See supra, p. 57-8. 

2 Blank in the MS. ; but in the margin is written ' that mar- 
ried the King of Spain's sister,' by which may be meant either 
the Emperor or the Grand Duke of Tuscany. 


King of Spain's prevision and doings, it may 
please your Honours to understand that he hath 
taken up in Xeres 1 12,000 hanecks 2 of wheat, 
which is 2,400 quarters English, which was put 
to grinding in every town thereabouts and the 
mills kept with officers that the poor had much 
ado for to safe-get 3 any corn ground for their 
own turn, to make their bread. Also he hath 
taken up much wines for his provision, in quantity 
I cannot well show you. Also he hath trimmed 
certain boats which he made when he went to 
take Portingall ; the value of 40 boats which are 
to land people, or to make a bridge, and there 
they be ready in Port Saint Mary, housed. Also 
he hath trimmed great store of carriages for 
great ordnance, to the number of 200 carriages, and 
in Cadiz 4 lieth ready. Also he hath his fleet, which 
came from the Indies, 5 at home in Seville and in 
Cadiz, which may be in number, small and great, 
1 1 6 sail ; more, the King hath stayed in Lisbon and 
Setuval 6 100 sail of hulks, what quantity of Portugal 
shipping I know not his galleys were all in the 
Straits, saving 18, which were, nine in Port Saint 
Mary, and nine in Lisbon. Their saying is that 
the Pope doth send the 50,000 men out of his diocese 
which shall come with 12 galleasses and other 
shipping. More, the King of Spain prepareth 
other 50,000 men, [for] which he hath taken up many 
soldiers in the country, as the poor people saith ; 
also when his galleons came home the soldiers were 
sent up into the country, for that there should be no 
show in port towns. 

Moreover, they report that there shall come out 

1 MS. seems to have c shores.' 

2 See note supra, p. 58. 

3 I.e. to keep. MS. ' save gott.' 

4 MS. Calles. 5 MS. Yngees. 6 MS. Saint tovalts. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 63 

of the Straits a hundred sail of galleys and galleasses, 
or with their other shipping. They do give out 
speech that they do mean for to land in the Isle 
of Wight 50,000 men, more 50,000 men into Ireland, 
50,000 men also in the backside of Scotland, to land 
other 50,000 men ; for the one of these three armies 
the Pope hath ordained that the King of France or 
Duke of Guise should make ready. Moreover, they 
say that the King hath more friends in England 
than the Queen's Majesty, which is a grievous 
hearing. God preserve her Grace, and send her 
long to reign and to confound her enemies. Amen. 

Praying your Honours to remember your poor 
orator, William Melsam, which hath been often 
hindered in that country as first in Anno -74 I 
was taken to the Inquisition House with Roger 
Hanken, of Harwich, and was kept prisoner until 
Anno -77, at my costs and charges, which stood 
me in one hundred pounds, besides my time lost. 
Moreover, I was taken afterwards for the fact l of 
Thomas Hanken, and Clenton Atkenson, and Phillip 
Boyte. Then I received hindrance to the value of 
30 pounds in things purloined 2 from me when I was 
in prison ; more now in this embargo to the value 
of 1 1 8 pounds ; which may be that I was hindered 
in the whole 248 pounds, for the which hindrance 
I crave some letters of marque 3 of your Honours for 
the recovery of my hindrance. 

Also I crave of your Honours some warrant that 
the Spanish Company 4 doth not molest me ; for 
through my often imprisonment [I] could not recover 
my freedom, and now am threatened by some free- 

1 MS. 'facte,' meaning 'guilt,' 'wrong doing;' see Halliwell 
and Wright. 

2 MS. 'prolyned.' 

3 MS. 'marte.' 

4 The Company of Merchant Adventurers trading to Spain. 


men of Exeter, that they will seize upon the fifth 
part of my adventure, which may be to the value of 
six butts of wines, and for the avoiding this hindrance 
and molestation I have no help nor aid but 
only in your Honours, and I, as duty binds me, will 
daily pray for your Honourables estate that God 
will bless you in health and wisdom, in the right 
way to set forth God's glory and the overthrow of 
our enemies, and thus God preserve our noble 
Queen and send her long to reign over us. Amen. 
Written by your poor orator, William Melsam, 
the 4th of February, Anno I585. 1 


[S.P. Dom. cxcix. 94.] 

Thomas Stonne, of Plymouth, saith that he came 
from Lisbon 3 9 days past, who arrived at Ply- 
mouth the iQth of March, and saith that he remained 
in Lisbon the space of two months, and there was 
then there stayed 3 score hulks and flyboats, all un- 
rigged, and also 4 great ships and 2 pinnaces pre- 
pared, which departed from thence about three weeks 
past, in warlike manner, and, as he thinketh, of 400 
tons a piece, and within three days after their de- 
parture 2 of them returned very much spoiled with 
foul weather, and, as he heard say, they were bound 
for the West Indies. And he saith that three days 
before he came from thence he saw certain of the 
hulks making in a readiness, which were appointed, 

1 I.e. 1586 N.S. 

2 Endorsement. This document is dated in the official 
Calendar, ' March (?), 1587,' but from the reference to Drake's 
capture of Santiago it cannot be later than 1586. 

3 MS. ' Lechborne ' throughout the letter. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 65 

as he heard, to go for Seville, 1 and 15 or 16 galleys, 
and 14 or 15 armathos, 2 were also a preparing, but 
whither they should go he could not learn. But 
saith that he saw in the said city daily many 
soldiers, and daily more and more resorted, all 
which, as he heard, should be sent for Seville in the 
hulks. And further saith that one Richard Graunte, 
a merchant of Ireland, arrived at Lisbon in a 
Scottish ship in January last, and he left there two 
merchant ships of Ireland, manned with Irishmen as 
he supposeth, the which had traffic in Lisbon with- 
out any molestation. And their came in their 
company from Lisbon 22 hulks richly laden and 
well appointed, which went by the backside of Ire- 
land. He also heard there reported that Sir Francis 
Drake had taken Santiago, in Cape Verde ; and that 
wheat was worth there at his coming from thence 
1 6 reals the haneck. 3 

Also a ship of Leith, in Scotland, called the 
Galleon, arrived in Dartmouth the 24th day of 
March, and came from St. Lucar the nth of March, 
who say that there are a preparing 26 sail of Basquins 4 
as men of war for the West Indies, but they want 
very much mariners and gunners ; they are between 
200 and 400 tons a piece, manned with soldiers ; and 
that there was 50 sail ready for the West Indies, 
which are all stayed for fear of Sir Francis Drake ; 
and there is neither argosies 5 nor galleys come 
thither out of Straits ; and that the English merchants 
have liberty upon good sureties, but all masters of 
ships and mariners are imprisoned. And they say 

1 MS. Civell.' 2 See note, p. 60. 3 See note, p. 58. 

4 'Basquin' is probably only a mistake for ' Biscayan.' 
Rumours of twenty-four Biscayans being armed occurs again in 
Dawx's letter. Infra, p. 67. 

5 ' Argosy ' is supposed by some to be a corruption of ' Ragusan,' 
a term applied to the large type of merchant vessel assumed to 
be characteristic of the port of Ragusa. 



that if the English victuallers had not relieved them 
they had not been able to have done anything. 
Further, they say that an English merchant of good 
years came from Seville, 1 where he heard a friar 
preach, that he was a prophet to declare the ruin of 
Spain, and a most miserable famine to follow these 
years following, with their overthrow and loss of 
their Indies. 



[S.P. Dom. clxxxviii. 1.] 

Sir John Spark, of Plymouth, came to London 
this Friday night, the first of April? and reporteth 
that a Breton 4 is arrived at Plymouth that came 
from Seville 5 in 9 days, that brings assured word 
that Sir Fr. Drake is arrived at the Indies, hath 
taken N ombre de Dios, 6 Panama, and Cartagena, 
and runneth through the country like a conqueror, 
and taken their shipping and treasure in great 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxviii. 8. Endorsed April 9.] 

William Dawx, merchant, of London, now come 
home in the Solomon from St. Jean de Luz, 7 

Sayeth that upon Tuesday was sennight he was 
at St. Jean de Luz and that the very same night 

1 MS. ' Civill.' 

2 Endorsement. 

3 Underlined in another hand. 

4 MS. ' Brytan.' * MS. ' Syvel.' 6 MS. ' Numeradedeos.' 
7 MS. ' Salymon from St. John de Luce.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 67 

there came in a small bark, laden with [wines], oils, 
and olives, that came from St. Lucar in 9 days 
before, which brought letters for merchants there, 
which he saw the opening of, that reported Sir Fr. 
Drake's arrival at the Indies, and that he had taken 
St. Domingo and used his pleasure in other parts 
there, and that the merchants of Seville were in a 
great mummering, 1 not knowing what to do. And 
that the Armados, about 3 or 4 days before that 
ship's coming away, were towed over the bar of St. 
Lucar by certain galleys and are gone to Lisbon 
to join with the fleet there, but went very ill pro- 
vided, and that it is said they shall go all after Sir 
Fr. Drake. 

And -further he saith that the Governor of 
Biscay giveth it forth that there shall be 12 sail of 
ships provided upon the King's charge, and 1 2 sail 
more upon the country's charge, to keep that coast, 
but there is no likelihood or show of any such pre- 
paration there as yet. 

It is said the King comes to Lisbon to see the 
setting forward of those armados. 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxviii. 17. Signed. Endorsed April 13.] 

Right Honourable, I appointed one Andro Jones, 
now lately come forth of France to report what he 
knoweth, whom I think hath been with your 
Honours, for such was his promise. 

Though purposes of the French is more than to 

1 Meaning in a state of being unable to make up one's mind 
on any course of action. The more usual form is 'mammering.' 
See Halliwell and Wright ; and Laughton, Defeat of the Armada, 

Y 2 


be suspected, for besides Andro Jones's report I 
beseech your Honours to consider what is written 
to one John Woodward, merchant, of London, by 
his servant, Augustine Skynner viz. : 

' Dated the i2th of April, stylo novo 1586, in 
Dieppe. J 

It is most certain that since our arrival the 
Governor hath caused and are now a making ready 
the best and principalest ships ; 24 sail out of this 
town, which within 15 days go to the sea. Also all 
the best and principalest ships that are here upon 
the coast are prest. They have given it out that it 
is for nothing but to keep the coast : but we doubt 
there is some further matter than that. In my next 
I will write you further, God willing.' 

There is a general imbargment 2 at St. Lucar 
as well of French as of [ 3 ]. 

This conclusion agreeth with the intelligence of 
Ingat, Curties, Wiseman, H assail, comers lately out 
of Spain, which joined all in one tale that the King 
of [' France ' erased^ the French was confederate in 
the Popish league to follow the King of Spain's 
direction, and that great treasures have still every 
week been posted overland into France out of Spain. 

H assail doth affirm that they gave it out at his 
coming away little more than a fortnight past that 
England should smoke ere long, for the French 
had promised their aid and their King had furnished 
France with money for that purpose, and although 
there were intended a sudden invasion, yet their 
King, to satisfy the Law of Arms, would first send 
his Ambassador for England, and that there was one 

1 MS. ' Depe.' 

2 MS. has ' ymbargmY an English form of the Spanish 
' embargo,' which never took root. The English words in 
common use were, according to Minshew, ' arresting,' ' stopping,' 
and ' staying.' 3 Blank in MS. 



now a despatching from the Court of Spain hither, 
as it was reported to him by certain Cavaleros : but 
it is most likely to go forth to lie for Sir Fr. Drake 
those French ships so a preparing. 

This H assail came from Ayamonte l and took 
shipping at Ferroll in Portingale, and saith there 
is one thing fears them more than all the rest (Sir 
Fr. Drake's proceeding except), and that is Don 
Antonio : for if he were set in Portingale with 5,000 
men the whole country would take comfort and run 
unto him, for the Spaniard hath already exercised 
great tyranny against the Portingale, and all their 
chiefest houses almost cut off. 

These things are to be left to your honourable 
consideration, unto whom I beseech God to give 
instruction for due prevention of pretended villainy. 


[Lansd. MS. 100, fol. 98.] 2 

The 25 April 1586. 

A discourse of Sir Francis Drake s voyage, which by 
God's grace he shall well perform. 

i He departed with his fleet of 
2 2 ships and barks [and eight] 3 
Plymouth, J pinnaces from Plymouth the 
14 of Sept. I 14 th of September, 1585, [and 
came to] the Isles of Bayon, in 
^ Galicia, the 27 th of the same. 

1 MS. ' Amonty.' 

2 This document appears to have been communicated to the 
Government by some one in Drake's confidence in order probably 
to allay the anxiety that may have been felt at his prolonged 
absence without anything having been heard of him since the 
sack of Santiago. It gives complete details of the operations 
he intended in the Indies, and the time he thought they would 

3 One margin is destroyed by damp. The words in brackets 
are supplied conjecturally. 


Bayon, n th Oct. 
Ferro, 24* Oct. 

Santiago, 4 th 

29 th Novemb. 

2 Decemb. 

He stayed thereuntil the i I th 
day of October, [when he con- 
tinued] his voyage, and arrived 
at Ferro, the southernmost [of 
the Canary Islands], which 
lieth in 27^ degrees, and there 
refreshed. Thence he] de- 
parted about the 24 th of 

He then arrived at the Isle of 
Santiago, the principal city of] 
Cape Verde, which standeth in 
1 4 degrees ; and [they having] 
denied him water, he spoiled the 
city, razed the [defences thereof], 
and brought away 10 pieces of 
brass or thereabout. All this] 
might be finished about the 4 th 
of November. 

Then he departed, and fol- 
lowed his voyage to the W[est 
Indies, where] he might arrive 
and proceed by conjecture as 

First he might arrive at the 
Isle of Dominica a [desert is- 
land], which standeth in 14 
degrees, the 28 th of Nov[em- 
ber. There he] might water and 
depart the 2 9 th of the same. 

From thence he might take 
the princip[al town of Mar- 
garita], which standeth in the 
south side of the island, and 
[another town] of the same 
island, where there might be 
well gotten [ ] and 20 


2 Decemb. 

St. Domingo, 
12 th Decemb. 

Rio de la Hacha, 
the 1 8 th December. 

Santa Marta, 
3O th December. 

8 th Jan.] 

( pieces of brasse ; and this might 
I be finished [about the 2nd] 
1 December. This islande stan- 
( deth in 10 degrees. 

From thence the first place 
of importance [is Rio de la 
Hacha on] the Main, which 
standeth in 10 degrees, wh[ere 
many pearls] are gotten, which he 
may take and sack, and ga[ther 
much spoil. This] may be done . 
by the 6 th of December, unless 
he t[urn aside to Hispaniola] 
and the city of Domingo, which 
stand in i[8 degrees], where he 
may take to the value of 500,000 
duc[ats. This may be done] by 
the 12 th of December. 

Then if he have dealt with 
the City of Dom[ingo, he may 
stand] over to Rio de la Hacha 
aforesaid, and depart fr[om 
thence the 29 th ] day of De- 

From thence he may arrive 
the next day at S[anta Marta], 
where in one day he may make 
a prey of 10,000 [ducats, and] 
so depart. 

From thence he goeth to 
Cartagena which standeth in 9 
degrees or thereabouts, which 
is a strong place and rich, where 
he may spend 6 days and pos- 
sess all the town ; the Castle he 
will raze, and may there make a 
prey of a million of ducats and 



* 8 th Jan.] 

[Nombre de Dios]< 

f bring from thence 20 pieces of 
I brass. He may depart from 
( this place the 8 th of January. 

From thence he goeth 
directly to Nombre de Dios, 
which standeth in 10 degrees or 
thereabouts, a very rich place 
which he may possess without 
any resistance, where the Cima- 
roons 1 will assemble and join 
w th him [to] the number of 5,000. 


And when he hath sacked and 
ransomed to the value of a 
million of ducats as he may, he 
will take a company with him 
of 1,000 men besides the Cima- 
roons and pass by the river of 
Chagres, where he may go by 
water to Panama, within xv 
miles of the town. 

The town of Panama 
standeth upon the sea coast in 
the South Sea, and doth 
[receive] all the treasure that 
cometh by water from the new 
Kingdom of Peru, which may 
be taken without resistance ; 
this town may be a prey of a 
million of ducats. 

There standeth a little dis- 
tance off an island which they 
call the Isle of Pearls, which if 
he can make provision to set 
over some company he may 
{ make there a great prey. 

1 MS. ' Semyroanes.' See p. 79, . 



[25 th Feb.] 



These places will require 
some time to travail and to 
obtain, but I think they may be 
achieved and his people returned 
to his ships by the 25 th of 

In the time while this com- 
pany are in travail about the 
taking of Panama and the Isle 
of Pearls, Sir F. D. will be 
occupied with his pinnaces in 
searching all the coast of the 
Honduras, where he may plenti- 
fully refresh himself with vic- 
tuals, and take all the frigates 
upon the coast, which may be 
to the number of 200. 

He may there also prey 
upon many rich men, and ran- 
som them for 100,000 ducats. 1 

From thence he will depart 
and sail to the port of the 
Havana in Cuba, which standeth 
in 23 degrees, and is a strong 
place where all thefatas 2 of the 
Spaniards assemble and join to 
fit themselves to come into 
Spain. This place he meaneth 
to raze and take such store of 
hides and sugar as is to be found 

If he find the place tenable 
and s[. . . .], he will leave a 
company of soldiers [there. . . . 

MS. ' ioo m thousande.' 

2 MS. ' floates.' The ' flotas ' were the annual convoys or- 
ganised by the Casa de Contracion at Seville. See p. 60, n. 3 . 


.... This] may be by the 
end of March. 

And so with God's help he 

Home 10'" June , y [return back 1 England 
by the io th oi June which [God 
1 grant]. 



[S.P. Dom. clxxxix. 4. Endorsed May 3, 1586.] 

It may please your Honour to understand that 
the King of Spain's Armada are as followeth : 

Nine galleons from three hundred to five 
hundred tons the piece. 

Two ships of the Indies of five hundred 
tons the piece. 

Seven small ships from three score to a 
hundred and fifty tons the piece. 

These ships may carry in them four thousand 
men, mariners and soldiers, and goeth very well 
appointed of all kind of munition and artillery. 

What this Armada may do is, if they meet with 
Sir Francis in the sea, and do think themselves 
strong enough, they will encounter with him. 

If they find him in the country, they will seek to 
betray him by treason. 

When they cannot prevail this way, they will 
procure to recover again those forts which Sir 
Francis hath taken, and to re-edify them. 

To prevent the Spaniard of all these treasons, and 
turn him clean out of his wits, were to send a second 
armada from hence of merchants and men-of-war, 
the merchandise to sustain 2 and maintain trade, and 

1 Endorsement. 2 MS. 'sustent.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 75 

the soldiers to remain and help to strengthen such 
as Sir Francis shall leave behind him in arms, either 
of the people of the country [or] of our own 

And at no hand do not [your] Honour consent 
that any go that way in particularity or alone, but in 
fleets, which cannot lightly miscarry but return both 
with honour and profit, whereas when ships goeth 
alone they do ordinarily remain to the encourage- 
ment of the enemy and to the great weakening of 
the realm. 

If your Honour pretend l to know how they work 
in Spain, and whether they will send any armada or 
no, now were the time to send a particular man, that 
can dissemble, no more but to go and come and 
bring word what he seeth ; for in these two months 
they must do all that they can do for the Indies, as 
also for other places. 

If they be prevented this year they stand in 
danger of many discommodities for lack of money : 
To make the Commons to rise, 
The lack of their trade to the Indies, 
The utterance of their commodity at home, 
And they shall not be able to pay the King his 
alcabala 2 and customs, without which the King 
is able to do nothing. 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxix. 23.] 

By letters this morning, sent from the west 
countries, it is reported that a ship of Normandy 

1 I.e. ' seek,' as in ' pretender,' a claimant. 

2 MS. ' all cavalds.' The alcabala was a tax of ten per cent, 
on sales of property, originally levied for the expulsion of the 
Moors, but continued by Charles V. 


is come from Nombre de Dios, 1 and brought certain 
Frenchmen and Spaniards that were captives in 
the Spanish galleys there, who got their liberty by 
Sir Francis Drake, as also a great many English- 
men, which were captives in those galleys, and that 
he hath taken the spoil of Nombre de Dios l with 
20 sail of Spanish ships and 4 galleys, infinitely 
rich. The words of the letter ensueth : ' Now you 
shall be partaker of such news as we have here in 
Morlaix, by the report of them that did see it, that 
Sir Francis Drake hath sacked St. Domingo and 
Nombre de Dios, 1 and in fight hath taken 20 ships 
and 4 galleys that there attended his coming, 
wherein he redeemed 22 Englishmen and 200 
Frenchmen, with other Spaniards, captives in the 
said galleys ; whereof 10 Frenchmen and Spaniards 
are come to Morlaix, and came in a Norman ship, 
-that was there at the broil with Sir Francis Drake. 
Besides, Sir Francis Drake hath taken many and 
rich spoils, 250 brass pieces, and burned all the ships 
and galleys, save such as were necessary for carriage 
of victuals, and hath left them clean without 
weapons, and thence went to another encounter of 
ships and galleys that likewise attended his coming. 
If God send him an happy success, it will be such a 
cooling to King Philip as never happened to him 
since he was King of Spain. Here is a Spaniard 
which was 20 years in the galleys, now triumpheth 
here in Morlaix, with continual prayers for Sir Francis 
Drake for his deliverance.' 

1 MS. ' Nomeradeos.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 77 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxix. 24.] 

By letters from Biskay which came by Bordeaux 
of the 1 5th of May, 1586. 

The Bank of Seville is broke. 

The Bank of Venice also very likely. 

The King of Spain's commandment prohibit- 
ing the buying of English commodities. 

General speech that the King of Spain will 
make a great army for England of 800 sail of ships 
but as yet is seen but small preparation, and is only 
a Spanish brag, and very unlikely in many years 
for him to provide shipping, mariners, and soldiers 
for such an army unless the French assist him. 
From Bordeaux. 

All English ships, being 7 in number, are im- 
barged for the King's service at Bordeaux, likewise 
a Scots ship, as it is said to serve against Rochelle. 

The King of Spain (by the best men of experi- 
ence their judgments and by their remembrances 
of the like examples done in policy by the Spaniards) 
hath no other meaning, but by supposition that, a 
rumour being given forth of so great a power to 
come for England, a restraint here will be made by 
your Honours (for the better defence of the realm) of 
those ships which else might and would go after 
Sir Francis Drake. So that then they may the 
better steal forth with such power as they may make 
for the Indies, and not be prevented or more 
forcibly resisted in those attempts by them intended 
against Sir Francis Drake. For all Spain over it 
is bruited and holden for great truth that every 
gentleman about the Court buildeth a ship or two to 

1 Endorsement. 


send after Sir Francis Drake, and that some have 
sold their lands for that purpose, wherefore they 
tremble and fear lest their Indies will be gone. 

Mr. Alderman Bond hath received letters this 
morning passed from Morlaix by the west country 
representing that a ship of [Roscoff 1 in France, 
erased} Normandy is come from Nombre de Dios, 
and brought certain Frenchmen and Spaniards that 
were captives in the Spanish galleys there, who got 
their liberty by Sir Francis Drake ; as also a great 
many Englishmen which were captives in those 
galleys, and that he hath taken the spoil of 
Nombre de Dios with 20 sail of Spanish ships and 4 
galleys infinitely rich. The words of the letter 
ensueth : ' Now you shall be partaker of such 
news as we have here in Morlaix by the report of 
them that did see it, that Sir Francis Drake hath 
sacked St. Domingo and Nombre de Dios, and in 
fight hath taken 20 ships and 4 galleys that there 
attended his coming, wherein he redeemed 22 
Englishmen and 200 Frenchmen with others 
Spaniards captives in the said galleys, whereof 10 
Frenchmen and Spaniards are come to Morlaix, and 
came in a Norman ship that was there at the broil 
with Sir Francis Drake. Besides Sir Francis hath 
taken many and rich spoils, 250 brass pieces, and 
burned all the ships and galleys save such as were 
necessary for carriage of victuals, and hath left them 
clean without weapons, and thence went to another 
encounter of ships and galleys that likewise attended 
his coming. God send him well and a happy 
success in all his enterprises. It will be such a 
cooling to King Philip as never happened to him 
since he was King of Spain. There is a Spaniard 
here which was 20 years in captivity there in the 

1 MS. ' Rusco.' Roscoff is a small seaport on the north 
coast of Finisterre, near Morlaix. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 79 

galleys, and now triumphing here in Morlaix with 
continual prayers for Sir Francis Drake for his 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxix. 27.] 

This was as near as I can remember, as the 
Spaniard telleth us : 7 or 8 days after Twelfth Day 
that Sir Francis won the town of St. Domingo, 
and after what order he having made agreement with 
the Maroons, 1 which were in the mountains, for to 
go to the watch houses which were on the sea side, 
and so for to dispatch the Spaniards which came 
for to make the watch ; so that the town knew 
nothing of it ; and so that night landed his men by 
report^ the number of 800 caliver men, and the 
ships set sail for to come to an anchor seaward 3 the 
town till that it were day. And in the dawning 
of the day, the men which were ashore giving an 
alarm to the town, forth came 40 or 50 horsemen, 
which were straightway overcome, and within one 
hour space was the English ancient set on the tower 
of St. Domingo. They weighed the ships and came 
to an anchor in under the town and shot off their 
ordnance for joy having won the town. This news 
telleth us three men which were in the town when 
it was taken and went from thence to Santiago de 
Cuba and embarked themselves in a ship for to 

1 MS. 'Marones,' i.e. the Cimarrones, or escaped negroes, 
who were in possession of the highlands in the interior at San 
Domingo, Darien, and elsewhere. Drake's early operations 
against Nombre de Dios and the Panama treasure trains had 
been carried out with the assistance of these people. The 
prospect of an alliance between them and the English was a 
constant anxiety to the Colonial Governments. 

2 MS. ' treporte,' but this is probably a mistake, unless it be 
an attempt to write the local name of the landing place where 
Drake disembarked his troops after the Maroons had dispatched 
the Spanish picket in the watch houses that guarded it. 

3 MS. has ' severte ' or ' sewerte ' ; possibly ' athwart.' 


come to Spain. So we [have] taken that ship at 
Cape Corrientes which should carry that news for 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxix. 42. Holograph.] 

Taken forth of a letter sent to Nicholas Turner, 
merchant, of London. 

Jesus in Morlaix the 26th of May 1586. 

You shall understand that Monsieur Darohan, 
Monsieur Laval, Monsieur Darnis, and Monsieur 
Dantollot 1 how that God hath taken them unto His 
mercy, unto the great grief of our poor brethren ; not- 
withstanding God hath so provided for us that I 
hope all will be well in the end. The King maketh 
a great army by sea, the like by report hath not been 
in France. Also you shall understand that the 
Almaynes are entered into France for the King of 
Navarre, but truly here is such a dearth of corn that 
hath not been in France all these troubles, so that 
the King and Monsieur de Guise they cannot make 
any camp 2 for want of provision. So God of his 
mercy doth help us continually : I promise you in 
the high countries of France they die for want. 

Also you shall understand that to-night late I 
came from Roscoff, and there is arrived a ship of New- 
haven 3 which is come from Sir Fr. Drake, and I 
have talked with the Captain and his company, who 
have told me that he hath taken St. Domingo and 

1 ' Darohan ' is Rene II. Vicomte de Rohan, one of the most 
brilliant of the Huguenot captains, who died at Rochelle, aged 36. 
The others were all of the family of Francois Coligny Sieur 
d'Andelot, the Admiral's youngest brother, who died of disease or 
their wounds within a few weeks of one another. Their seigniorial 
titles were Laval, Rieux, Tanlay, and Sailly. Darnis is possibly a 
mis-spelling of Tanlay. See Baird, The Huguenots and Henry of 
Navarre, i. 397. 

2 I.e. Mobilise an army. 3 I.e. Havre. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 81 

went from thence the 22nd of January with all the 
riches of the island, and hath taken 5 great galleons, 
whereof a ship called the Grand Guy of 600 tons 
burden was one, a new ship French built, the like 
whereof was not in all Spain ; 2 saettias, 1 whereon 
there attended 2 galleys ; 5 foysts 2 with 1 5 frigates ; 
the most part he hath burnt, unless it were the 
Grand Guy and 3 galleons more which he hath 
carried with him. Also he hath found great store 
of provision in the island, as oil, wines, and rice, the 
which he made more account of than the treasure. 
Also he found there in the ships and forts 350 
pieces of brass, all which he hath carried with him, 
likewise with powder and shot. Ten days before his 
arrival there the Spaniards took 2 ships of New- 
haven, wherein were 300 men. So he found in the 
prisons of Englishmen, Frenchmen, Flemings, and 
Provencals 3 unto the number of 1,200 with those that 
were in the galleys, and besides 800 of those of the 
country that were condemned for ever to go from 
the main and to be for ever captives in the galleys. 

1 MS. ' satias.' There seems some confusion in the passage, 
for it was the province of saettias to attend on galleys. The 
saettia was the lightest vessel of the galley class, and in galley 
fleets held very much the same position as a ' destroyer ' to-day. 
Its name is derived from sagitta, an arrow, and occurs in many 
forms, as sagittiva, sagitta, sagettea, satea, cettea, sitia, sithia, &c. 
(See Guglielmotti, Marina Pontificia, ii., p. 218.) 

2 MS. ' Feust.' The ' foyst,' or ' fusta,' was a similar vessel, 
which got its name from being so long as to resemble a dug-out 
canoe, from ' fusta, 5 the trunk of a tree. It came next in size to 
the galley, rowed from eighteen to twenty oars a side, and had a 
crew of about a hundred men, who, as in all vessels below the 
rank of galley, were free and did the rowing and fighting indif- 
ferently. Their tactical value was similar to that of modern 
cruisers. The ' fregata,' or frigate, was a vessel of the same class, 
but smaller and of shallower draught. 

3 MS. ' provincialls.' It cannot be the English eighteenth- 
century word ' Provincials ' or ' Colonists ' ; these he distinguishes 
in the next clause as ' those of the country.' 


So all these are gone with Sir Fr. Drake with a 1,000 
more. I pray God to send him well. The army that 
went from Seville to encounter with him is returned 
with great spoil of masts, sails, and tackling, and for 
want of mariners, back again. And it is thought 
here the King of Spain will make a greater army. 
I would to God Sir Francis had 6 or 8 thousand 
more men with him. I end in great haste, commit- 
ting you to God. 

Yours unto death, 


To his loving friend Nicholas Turner, merchant, . 
this deliver. 


London. The Right Honourable Lord Admiral 
hath a letter which was directed to Roger How, 
delivering the manner of the taking of St. Domingo, 
viz. that Sir Francis kept play with the Spaniards 
three days, making many a false alarm and charge as 
though he would have landed men and so wearied 
and tired them for want of meet rest ; and then very 
secretly landed 800 men in most warlike order a 
league or two off, who marched very secretly towards 
St. Domingo ; and in the meantime Sir Francis with 
his ships gave a hot 1 charge upon them, having his 
men ready to land in the face of them. Whereupon 
they generally issued forth of the town to defend his 
landing. Whereupon the 800 men on the land side 
cutting between them and town [fell] upon their 
backs and striking up their drums, displaying 
ensigns and such things ; which so amazed them that 
they were scattered, killed, and spoiled in a moment 
very near 6,000. 

1 MS. reads ' whott.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 83 

[S.P. Dom. cxci. 35.] 

Two Jesuits arrived upon the coast of Norfolk 
and Suffolk, the one called Southwell, son to Mr. 
Southwell, of Norfolk, the other Allen, son to the 
widow Home, whose last husband was judge of one 
of the sheriffs' courts in London. 

There is one Ingram Greine, a mariner, gone to 
sea in the bark Burre who is akin to Dr. Allen * 
and Coniars, the banished priests, who, conferring 
with [ 2 ] at the North Foreland, protests 

that he and his companions were resolved to kill 
Sir Fr. Drake or to carry him to Dunkirk, and fol- 
lowed him of purpose upon the sea. Their main- 
mast brake, and so hindered their pursuit. 

The papists take great comfort of the malcon- 
tentment of the mariners and the mutinous disposi- 
tion of the 'prentices. 


[Lansdowne, MSS. 51, Art. 14. Holograph.] 

Right Honourable, Having yet in remembrance 
your Honour's wish in your last letter that the 
receipt of my letter which I had written unto 
your Honour a little before had been dated rather 
from Cape Finisterre 3 than from Plymouth, I 

1 Afterwards Cardinal Allen, the famous organiser of the 
Jesuit campaign aganist Elizabeth. 

2 Blank in MS. 

3 MS. ' Venester.' Towards the end of August Burghley en- 
tered in his diary ' Sir Francis Drake took shipping at Plymouth 
to pass toward the India.' (Murdin, 783.) He probably thought 
Drake had sailed, though he did not get to sea till September 14. 
Hence the disappointment to which Drake alludes. 

G 2 


cannot omit to give your Honour now to under- 
stand that as we then slacked no possible travail 
or diligence which might any way belong to the 
handling of so great a dispatch, so let me assure 
your good Lordship that I will make it most 
apparent unto your Honour that it escaped us but 
twelve hours the whole treasure which the King of 
Spain had out of the Indies this last year, the cause 
best known to God ; and we had at that instant very 
foul weather. 1 

My very good Lord, there is now a very great 
gap opened very little to the liking of the King of 
Spain. God work it all to his glory. 

These gentlemen, the bearers hereof, have been 
actors and eyewitnesses of all that is passed and 
can fully certify your Honour of all particulars better 
than can be written ; for which cause I thought it 
most meet to send them, as also more especially to 
declare the present estate of our ships, munition, and 
men, being, as I judge, of no small value to perform 
any good service if her Majesty be offered the occa- 
sion of further employment. 

It resteth, therefore, in your wisdoms to consider, 
and in like sort to direct speedily, what course we 
have to follow. 

And, further, I most humbly beseech your good 
Lordship to afford us your honourable good favour 
that some moneys may be had with some expedition 
for the present dispatching of our poorer sort of 
men, whose travail and long absence desireth a 
speedy dispatch. 

1 It is doubtful when this piece of bad luck occurred. It 
may have been in May 1586, when, for a month, he was hovering 
about Cape Antonio and Havana, the rendezvous of the treasure 
fleets. There was a succession of gales at this time, and it was 
also the regular time for the convoys to sail. He may, however, 
refer to the forty sail he missed between St. Vincent and Palma. 
. (See ' Primrose Log,' ante, pp. 6, 23.) 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 85 

The sum requisite for this dispatch would be 
no less than six thousand pounds, and, in lieu thereof, 
there shall be, either by land or sea, sent to the 
Tower or where or when your Lordship shall take 
order, bullion for it. And so humbly taking my leave 
of your good Lordship until such time as your Lord- 
ship shall command me to wait on your Lordship, 
when I shall give your Honour something to under- 
stand, I hope in God to your Lordship's good liking. 

From aboard her Majesty's ship the Elizabeth 
Bonaventure, this 26th July, 1586. 

Your Honour's most bounden, 


Rough Estimate of the proceeds of Drake s Voyage 1 
[S.P. Dom. cxci. 38.] 

The plate and bullion . . . 42,000 

The pearls ..... 3,500 

The ordnance .... 5,500 

The ships ..... 12,500 

The hides ..... 800 

The iron and lead and alia . . 600 


i7,ooo 2 


1 This paper bears no title, date, or endorsement, but from 
the report of the Audit Commission which follows it is clear that it 
must relate to this voyage. 

2 This item must be the third share to which the crews were 
entitled. (See next page and ante, p. 38, ' Regulations as to 




[Lansdowne MSS. lii. No. 36. Copy.] 

Declaration of Dividend, &c. 

Our duty in humble manner remembered unto 
your good Lordship we do send herewith unto your 
Lordship a brief note to show the substance of the 
travail which we have taken in the ordering of the 
Account of the bullion, money, ships, and goods re- 
turned in the late voyage of Sir Francis Drake, and 
upon his demand of the charge outward. 1 There 
was much debating and many meetings till we could 
conclude that charge, but in the end we agreed to 
allow the charge outward to be 57,ooo/., although 
his demand was by the book 6o,4OO/., besides 
divers blanks which were not summed upon that 
book. All which your Lordship may see at large set 
down under our hands in the first leaf of this book. 

In the next leaf we have set down the account 
of all manner of bullion, money, plate, pearls, jewels, 
ships, merchandises, and all other commodities that 
were returned. In which account, the money taken 
out for the thirds paid unto the company, 2 and the 

Letters of Marque,' Art. 8.) In the report of the Audit Com- 
mission, it appears as 17,5007. ; but why it should be calculated 
on a total of 5i,ooo/. instead of 64,ooo/., as in this estimate, or 
upon 42,ooo/., instead of 63,4087. iSs. 6d.> as in the Audit Com- 
mission's report, is not explained. Probably the commissioned 
officers' share of the ' company's third ' is not taken into account, 
and the 1 7,ooo/. represents what was due to the petty officers and 
men only. 

1 ' Charge outward ' is the cost of mobilisation. The accounts 
show that the charge was taken as ending on September 14, the 
day the expedition sailed from Plymouth. 

2 See note, p. 85. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 87 

charges otherwise since their return into England 
being deducted, there remained to be divided 
45,9o8/. 1 8s. 6d., as your Lordship may see in the 
foot of the said account in the second leaf. 

And thereupon we considered what might be 
divided, and found it would fall out to 155. for every 
pound to the adventurers, and i id. upon every pound 
more if all things fell out according to that account ; 
whereupon we set down the order written in the 
third leaf for payment to be made to every adven- 
turer after the rate of i $s. for every pound so adven- 

Lastly, in the 4th leaf, we have set down how 
her Majesty is answered 1 5^. of every pound adven- 
tured by her Majesty, whereby your Lordship may 
see there is answered to her Highness, over and 
above the dividend of 15^. upon every pound, the 
sum of 35O/. 1 6s. ^d. 

If your Lordship shall require any furjther satis- 
faction we shall be ready to attend your Lordship's 
pleasure at any time hereafter. And so humbly 
take our leave. From London the day of June, 

I587- 1 


Statement of Account by the Commission and Drake 2 

It may please your Lordships to understand 
that we have considered upon this book of account 

1 This copy of the letter, accompanying the report, is not 
signed by the members of the Commission, but their names 
appear subsequently. They were Sir William Wynter, Surveyor 
of the Ships, and senior officer of the Admiralty ; John Hawkyns, 
Treasurer of the Navy ; Alderman Richard Martyn, Master of the 
Mint ; Thomas Smythe, Farmer of the London Customs and 
Master of Mining Works ; and Alderman John Harte, a Director 
of the Muscovy Company. 

2 This enclosure and the two accounts that follow are in 


delivered unto us by Sir Francis Drake, knight, of 
the whole charges of the ships, victuals, provisions, 
powder, munitions, merchandises, prests and other 
charges outward to the I4th day of September, 1585. 
The which, when we had at sundry meetings and 
diverse consultations well considered, we could not 
control. 1 And for anything we saw or could gather 
upon it, hearing his answers, reasons, and allegations 
to the objections, we could not, so far as in us was, 
but allow [it] for an honest and true account. 

Yet, forasmuch as the charge was great to the 
adventurers, and the bullion and commodity returned 
not being able to countervail the charge outward, we 
have therefore travailed with him that in considera- 
tion of the prests delivered to the company, 2 the 
merchandise also for the relief of them, and the 
avoiding of more travail in the said account, that he 
would be pleased to set it down to some certain rate 
as we might think it fit and reasonable for the adven- 
turers to accept. 

* d. 

First, the charge of the book was . 60,400 o o 
Item, sundry sums stood in the book 

in blank, and were not summed 

up, which did seem to be of good 

Item, he hath demanded nothing for 

his charges during the whole 

time of the preparation for his 

journey in the said account, 

which could not be but a great 

matter, the thing hanging so 


1 'Control,' i.e. check adversely, tax, or reduce, from the 
French contre-role, counter-account or audit, equivalent to the 
legal ' taxing.' 

2 I.e. the recruiting money paid the men. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 89 

Item, his man Cottell died in the 
journey, who had the chief charge 
of his accounts, whereby he could 
not but forget much, and so re- 
ceive great loss thereby. 

Nevertheless he hath, upon the reasons and de- 
batings had between us and him, as aforesaid, con- 
cluded that the charge outward ended the I4th of 
September, 1585, shall be set down to the certainty 
of 57,ooo/. So that we are persuaded for anything 
that we can perceive that he dealeth very liberally 
and truly with the adventurers, and beareth himself 
a very great loss therein. And therefore, weighing 
the conformity of the gentlemen with the worthiness 
of the enterprise which hath been so well performed 
to the honour of her Majesty and good of our country, 
we can do no less than humbly pray your Honours 
to be a mean unto her Majesty that consideration 
may be had of the painful and dangerous attempt 
achieved by him and the captains and gentlemen 
that served with him in the action. 1 

1 In advising Drake, at Cartagena, to accept a smaller ransom 
than he had demanded, and evacuate the place, his military 
council of war had passed a self-denying resolution in testimony 
that their decision was based on military considerations alone. 
' But because it may be supposed,' the third resolution concludes, 
' that herein we forget not the private benefit of ourselves and 
are thereby the rather moved to incline ourselves to this compo- 
sition, we do, therefore, think good for the clearance of ourselves 
of all such suspicion, to declare hereby, that what part or portion 
soever it be of this ransom or composition for Cartagena, which 
should come unto us, we do freely give and bestow the same upon 
the poor men, who have remained with us in the voyage, meaning 
as well the sailor as the soldier, wishing with all our hearts it were 
such or so much as might seem a sufficient reward for their 
painful endeavour.' (Summary Discourse in ' Hakluyt.') 



* d. 
For the gold being of several fineness 

coined by Alderman Martyn, 1 

which doth amount unto (the 

charges deducted in weight) . 5,146 5 10 
For blocks of silver, fine and coarse, 

reals of plate corriente^ of the 

Indies and Florida, gilt and white 

plate, being fined and coined by 

Alderman Martin, amounting 

unto (the charges deducted) . 34,133 9 10 
In pearl of all sorts, great and small, 

as they were sold, with 6 oz. of 

emeralds ..... 3,205 3 8 
The brass ordnance, great and small, 

which is in order at 3/. the cwt., 

being in weight 1,740 cwt. 3 qrs. 

4 Ibs. ..... 5,222 7 o 

For the bases, 3 and those out of 

order, being 590 cwt. 2 qrs. 10 

Ibs., at 50.$-. per cwt. . . 1,476 9 4 
For 36 pieces of cast iron ordnance, 

weighing 284 cwt., at 6s. %d. per 

cwt.. . 94 13 4 

For gold buttons sold, 3 1 7 at 6s. per 

button ..... 100 2 o 
For copper, old and new . . . 154120 
For 93 cwt. of copper money, at 45.?. 

per cwt. . . . . . 210 7 6 

1 Master of the Mint. 

2 I.e. reals of what was known as corriente silver, the standard 
fineness of the West Indies. Value, sixpence. 

a The base, or Portugal base, was a breech-loading culverin. 
Norton (The Gunner) says it might be as much as 30 calibres 
long, and had a swivel mounting ; also that it was usually of 
wrought iron that is, built up longitudinally with bars of iron, 
clamped together by rings shrunk over them. (See Appendix A.) 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 91 

3. d. 

For sheet lead and sow-lead sold . 64 16 8 

For new and old pewter sold . . 18134 
For ships delivered back to the 

owners, 1 the sum . . . 14,520 i o 

64,347 i 6 

For bells yet remaining 2 . . . 157 4 o 

For 125 barrels of powder . 350 o o 

For small parcels of remains of pro- 
visions sold . . . . 1 66 12 o 

For 50 oz. of pearls . . . . 50 o o 

For debts which are to be called in, 
and to be abated upon the ad- 
venturers . . . . . 1,821 13 7 

For the Speedwell 3 . . . . 125 o o 

2,670 9 7 

[Total] .... 67,017 ii i 
Charges after the ships coming home 3,608 12 [7]* 

Rest nett 63,408 18 [6] 

Abate the thirds . . . . 17,500 o [o] 

Rest nett all deductions de- 

falked 5 45,908 18 [6] 

It is to be noted that we, the parties which have 
hereunto subscribed, have assembled and had sundry 
meetings, and have with great care perused the 

1 Either the French and other prizes recaptured at San 
Domingo and Cartagena, or the chartered ships, or both. 

2 I.e. the bells of the Spanish churches and the hospital at 

3 This vessel was driven home from Vigo in the storm. The 
charge is probably the cost of refitting her for a fresh start. (See 
ante, p. 45, and alsoflosf, p. 96.) 

4 MS. torn at corner. Pence column taken from duplicate of 
the account. Ibidem. 

6 Defalked = defalcated, i.e. deducted or abated. 


charge of Sir Francis Drake's voyage outward^ 
and so likewise we have considered and seen the 
value of the bullion gold, money, ships, and other 
provisions brought home ; and we do find that 
there may be paid unto every adventurer 155. of 
every pound adventured. Besides when the debts 
shall be recovered, and the goods sold, there may 
fall out near to the value of i2d. upon every pound 
more, which doth remain until it be seen what 
shall fall out of such scapes as may be omitted ; 
which is likewise to be answered to the adventurers 
as it shall fall out hereafter, when it shall be tho- 
roughly seen that all things are answered. Written 
the nth day of March, 1586 (i.e. 1587). 

Signed 1 : W. Wynter, Fra. Drake, Richard 
Martyn, Tho. Smythe, John Harte, John Hawkyns. 


Similar Statement by Frobiser and Carleill 
[S.P. Dom. cxcv. 79. Signed.] 

It may please your Lordships to understand that 
we have considered upon this book delivered unto 
us by Sir Francis Drake of the whole charge of 
the ships victual, powder, munition, provisions, 
merchandises, prests, and other charges outward to 
the I4th day of September, 1585 which book, 
when we had with sundry meetings and divers con- 
siderations well considered, we could not control ; 
but for anything we saw or could gather upon it, 
hearing his answers, reasons, and allegations, we 
could not so far as in us was but allow for an honest 
and true accompt. 

1 The clerk who copied these signatures does not spell them 
as they were written. He writes ' Winter,' ' Martin,' ' Smith,' 
and 'Hawkins.' It is one of many instances which makes it 
doubtful whether the rule for spelling names adopted by the 
Society would have been approved by an Elizabethan. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 93 

Yet forasmuch as the charge was great to the 
adventurers, and the bullion and commodities not 
able to countervail the charge, we have travailed 
with him in consideration of the prests delivered to 
the company, the merchandises also delivered for 
the relief of them, and avoiding of more travail in 
that accompt, that he would set it down to some 
certain rate, so as we might think it fit and reason- 
able for the adventurers to accept. 

*. d. 

The charge of the book was . . 60,400 o o 
Sundry sums stood upon the book in 

blank not summed up. 
He hath demanded nothing for his 

charges during the whole time of 

the preparation of the journey, 

which could not be but a great 

matter, the thing hanging so 

His man Cottell died in the journey 

who had the chief charge of his 

accounts, whereby he could not 

but forget much and receive 

great loss. 

He hath, upon the reasons and debatings of both 
sides, concluded that the charge outward shall be set 
down to the certainty of 57,ooo/. which was dis- 
bursed before the i4th day of September, 1585, as 
aforesaid, wherein we are certainly persuaded that 
he dealeth very liberally and truly with the adven- 
turers, and beareth himself a very great loss. 

And considering the worthiness of this enter- 
prise, which hath been so well performed to the 
honour of her Majesty and our country, we humbly 
pray your honours to be a mean unto her Majesty 
that consideration may be had both of his worthi- 
ness and the painful and dangerous attempt achieved 
by the valour of such gentlemen and captains that 


followed him in this most worthy action. Written 

the of December 1586. 

W. Wynter Richard Martin 

Martin Frobiser Thomas Smythe 

Christ. Carleill John Harte 

John Hawkyns. 


Statement of the Queens Account 
[Lansdowne MSS. lii. No. 36 continued.] 

Her Majesty's account for her 2O,ooo/. adventure 
with Sir Francis Drake, and what her Majesty is 
answered : 

* d. 
First, there was disbursed by her 

Majesty in ready money . . 10,000 o o 
More, her Majesty's ships named the 

Eliz. Bonadventure and the Aid, 

with their brass ordnance, tackle, 

apparel, and other furniture, 

valued at. . . . . 10,000 o o 

20,000 o o 

What her Majesty hath received back towards 

her adventure : 

First, her Highness' foresaid ships 
with their brass ordnance and 
other furniture as they were re- 
turned, in the value of . . 8,000 o o 

More in brass ordnance, which was 
gotten in the West Indies, to the 
value of . . . . . 6,696 1 6 4 

More delivered to her Majesty in 

pearls, to the value of . . 654 o o 

15,350 16 4 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 95 

So as her Majesty is answered 15^. 
of every pound adventured, as 
every other adventurer is. And 
there remaineth in her Highness' 
hands over above the allowance [350 16 4] 1 


Account of Expense after the Return 
[Lansdowne MSS. lii. No. 36. Continued.] 


s. d. 

Sir Francis Drake's account . . 1,845 J 6 

For allowance of victual for the 
Francis, and the travel of Ric. 
Hawkyns coming out of Corn wall 13 6 8 

For a charge of the Turk, 2 lighter- 
age, and other charges paid by 
Alderman Martyn by the Com- 
missioners' warrant . . . 303 o o 

For custom to Mr. Smytheforall the 
goods brought home by agree- 
ment of the Commissioners . 205 o o 

For money laid out by Martin Parker, 
and for apparel for the Turk, 
and for other charges as by his 
bill allowed . . . . 10 o o 

1 Amount torn out. 

2 Nothing is known of this Turk. It may be conjectured he 
was one of the Turkish galley slaves liberated at San Domingo, 
and was, perhaps, a man of some position. The reason of his 
exceptional treatment may possibly be not unconnected with the 
presents which Drake made shortly after this time to the Capitan 
Pasha or Commander-in-Chief of the Turkish Navy. (See Venetian 
Calendar?) Drake was certainly suspected of an intention to 
arrange with the Porte a combined movement against Spain, 
in favour of Don Antonio, the Portuguese pretender, who at this 
time was under his protection. 

96 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

For an allowance of 4 pieces that s - d - 

lacked of the Hope's ordnance, 

with their carriages . . . 20 o o 

For a cable of 900 delivered to the 

Talbot, 1 and one of 700 to the 

Francis . . . . . 26 o o 

For a charge paid out in setting forth 

the Speedwell . . . . 11500 
For 2 cables and 2 anchors delivered 

to the Sea Dragon and the 

White Lion at Plymouth in 

their necessity . . . . 60 o o 

For rent of 2 warehouses at Sabbes 

Keye, by agreement . . 500 

For the charges of 6,ooo/. taken up 

and carried to Portsmouth for 

payment of the company . . 100 o o 
For a charge disbursed by Wm. 

Martin for victual . . . 20 o o 

For a charge to sundry persons for 

attendance upon the sale of the 

goods and weighing the ordnance 20 o o 

For sundry charges to Baker, New- 
man, Flower, Dassell, and Parker 15 3 8 
For money carried to the sea by Sir 

Francis Drake, which he spent 

for the furtherance of service . 800 o o 
For charges disbursed by Roger 

Tallaunt in France and other- 
wise for travail taken . . 30 o o 
More to compound for Eraser's debt 20 o o 

3,608 12 7 
1 MS. 'Tabott.' -^= 



[S.P. Dom. cc. 1. Holograph. Addressed and seal.] 

Right Honourable, May it please you to be 
advertised we arrived with her Majesty's ships and 
pinnaces at Plymouth the 25th of March with the 
Lion of my Lord Admiral and four of the mer- 
chant ships in company ; the rest of the fleet 
seized 2 Dartmouth, but now all in the Sound of 
Plymouth ; and this first of April the Admiral and 
most of the fleet under sail to draw the companies 

Here is prepared by the General four ships well 
victualled, furnished, and manned, and good store 01 
victual in two 3 of them over and above their 

There hath been some proportions of victuals 
refreshed 4 by the General unto her Majesty's ships, 

1 Drake's Flag-Captain in the last expedition. 

2 MS. ' seasid.' 

3 MS. ' towe.' 

4 ' Refresh ' was the technical expression for filling up with 
fresh victual. 



and great store aboard the Admiral in respect 
[that she is] near 100 men more than her comple- 

There is entertained by the General a ship of 
Plymouth of 140 tons, and a bark of 40 tons, 1 and 
victual preparing to be laid aboard them within 
seven days, and to come after the fleet for the better 
maintenance of the army to tarry out the season of 
the year, [that we may be] the better enabled to do 
our gracious mistress such service as may be to the 
honour of God, the safety and contentment of her 
Majesty and realm, and a satisfaction of your 
honourable expectation. 

The General with all care doth hasten the 
service, and sticketh not at any charge to further the 
same. So, good sir, there shall not want a dutiful 
mind in me to discharge the trust committed to my 
charge, and to show myself as to deserve your good 
opinion, which I greatly desire. 2 

The General spareth not in great charge to 
divers men of valour, as also layeth out great sums 
of money to soldiers and mariners to stir up their 
minds and satisfy their wants in good sort. 

There is good order and care taken for preserva- 
tion of victual, and men very well satisfied there- 
with, the General encouraging them. God blessing 
the service with happiness, they shall be liberally 

Thus beseeching the Almighty to bless your 
honour with great happiness, for which I will daily 
pray, as one deeply bounden thereunto in all humility, 

1 Probably the ' Bark Hawkyns ' and the ' Makeshift ' pinnace. 
The term ' bark ' was used very loosely by Elizabethan sailors. 
Its characteristic features cannot have been very distinctly 
marked. See Appendix B. 

2 He was in command of the Dreadnought, and, accord- 
ing to some accounts, rear-admiral of the fleet. Cf. post, p. 188. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 99 

I take my leave. From aboard her Majesty's ship 
the Dreadnought, this first of April 1587. 
Your honour's to command 

in all dutifulness, 


The number and names of the ships in company 
and consort now in the Sound of Plymouth, this 
first of April, 1587. 


The Elizabeth Bonaventure l . .550 
The Golden Lion 1 . . . . 550 
The Rainbow 1 .... 500 
The Dreadnought 1 . . . . 400 
The White Lion 2 . . . .150 
The Merchant Royal 3 . . . 400 
The Susan 3 . . . . . 350 
The Edward Bonaventure 3 . . 300 
The Margaret and John 3 . .210 
The Solomon 3 .... 200 
The George Bonaventure 3 . . 1 50 
The Thomas Bonaventure 3 . 1 50 

The Drake 4 80 

The Makeshift .... 50 

The Spy l 50 

The Speedwell .... 50 
The Little John . . . .100 

1 Queen's ships. Drake's flagship was the Bonaventure, and 
the Lion that of Borough, the Vice-Admiral. Bellingham had 
the Rainbow. 

1 The Lord Admiral's. 

3 London ships. The Margaret and John belonged to 
Watts, one of the most successful organisers of privateers. The 
three Bonaventures belonged to the Levant Company. The Mer- 
chant Royal was Admiral of the London squadron, and ex-officio 
apparently rear-admiral of the fleet. 

4 Drake's own. The Drake was the French prize illegally 
condemned in the expedition of 1585. (See ante, p. 40.) 
Drake kept it and paid compensation to the owners. The 
Thomas, or Thomas Drake, was sacrificed by him as a fire-ship 
in 1588. 

H 2 



The Cygnet l . . . . 25 

The Post 30 

The Minion - 200 

The Thomas 3 . . . . . 200 
The bark Hawkins . . . .130 
The Elizabeth 3 .... 70 


Countermand of Drake s Orders 


[S.P. Dom. cc. 17. Amended draft.]' 

After our hearty commendations : whereas upon 
sundry advertisements and intelligences received at 
divers times this last winter, very probably reported 
as well out of Spain as from other countries, of 
great numbers of ships and other provisions for the 
sea, prepared by the said King with intent (as it was 
given out) to employ the same in some attempt 
either against this realm or the realm of Ireland : her 
Majesty did think it very convenient, both for her 
honour and for necessary defence, [in order] to have 
some strength of shipping at sea to prevent or with- 
stand such enterprises as might be attempted against 
her Highness's said realms or dominions, to set forth 
to the seas under your charge certain of her own 
ships with further authority given you to take and call 
into your company as well certain ships set out by 
some of the merchants of the City of London, as 
also such other ships of this realm as you should find 

1 Queen's pinnace. 

2 Probably Sir William Wynter's. In 1588, and perhaps in 
this year, she was commanded by young William Wynter 

3 Drake's own She was also called the Elizabeth Drake. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 101 

abroad at sea, and to employ them as you should see 
cause for her Majesty's service : Since your depar- 
ture, her Majesty being otherwise advertised that 
neither the said preparations were so great as was 
reported, and further that there are of late dissolved l 
divers ships, as well of the East Countries as also 
of Holland and Zeeland, who had been before stayed 
upon pretence to furnish the said preparations, being 
discharged and licensed to return home : and 
perceiving also by some other matter that hath 
proceeded from the said King of Spain and his 
ministers that he is desirous that the unkindness and 
jars happened of late years between her Majesty 
and him might be in some honourable sort com- 
pounded : her Majesty, for her part, loth for these 
considerations to exasperate matters further than 
they are, or to give cause to the world to conceive 
by any thing that may proceed from her or any of 
her ministers or subjects that the present alteration 
between the said King and her is maintained or 
nourished by her, otherwise than forced thereunto 
for her own defence : Hath commanded us to signify 
unto you in her name, that her express will and 
pleasure is you shall forbear to enter forcibly into 
any of the said King's ports or havens, or to offer 
violence to any of his towns or shipping within 
harbouring, or to do any act of hostility upon the 
land. And yet, notwithstanding this direction, her 
pleasure is that both you and such of her subjects as 
serve there under you should do your best endeavour 
[as well by force or otherwise] 2 (avoiding as much 
as may lie in you the effusion of Christian blood) 
to get into your possession such shipping of the said 
King or his subjects as you shall find at sea, either 

1 I.e. 'released.' 

2 This passage is erased and the bracketed passage that 
follows substituted in the margin. 


going from thence to the East or West Indies or 
returning from the said Indies into Spain, and such 
as shall fall into your hands, to bring them into this 
realm without breaking bulk until her Highness's 
pleasure shall be further made known unto you in 
that behalf. 1 

[S.P. Dom. cc. 2. Addressed, with seal. 2 Holograph.] 

Right Honourable, This last night past came 
unto us the Royal Merchant with four of the rest of 
the London fleet ; the wind would permit them no 
sooner. We have since their coming agreed upon 
all conditions between us and them, 3 and have found 
them so well affected, and so willing in all our good 
proceedings, as we all persuade ourselves there was 
never more likely in any fleet of a more loving 
agreement, than we hope the one of the other. I 
thank God I find no man but as all members of one 
body to stand for our gracious Queen and country 
against Antichrist and his members. 

1 This order rescinding at the last moment the permission 
Drake had obtained for dislocating the Spanish mobilisation by 
operating on the coast of Spain is highly characteristic of Eliza- 
beth as a War Minister. Fortunately it was never delivered. Drake 
had sailed before it reached Plymouth. It was sent after him 
in a pinnace belonging to Sir William Wynter, and commanded 
by a 'base son' of Hawkyns's, if we may believe one of his 
enemies. Instead of following Drake, the young commander 
made a flaw of bad weather an excuse for giving up the attempt, 
and going for cruise in the Channel on his account, which 
resulted in a prize worth 5,ooo/. (See post, pp. 145, 148, 199, 


2 The seal has the fess wavy between two stars, granted to 
Drake on his knighthood. The crest is broken, and it is not 
clear whether it is the family crest or that granted with the arms. 

3 See next document. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 103 

I thank God these gentlemen of great place, as 
Captain Borough, Captain Fenner, 1 and Captain 
Bellingham, which are partakers with me in this 
service, I find very discreet, honest, and most 

If your honour did now see the fleet under sail 
and knew with what resolution men's minds do enter 
into this action, as your honour would rejoice to see 
them, so you would judge a small force would not 
divide them. 

I assure your honour upon my credit there are 
many sufficient men in this action, yet there hath 
divers start[ed] from us within these two days past, 
and we all think by some practice of some adversaries 
to the action by letters written. 2 They are most 
mariners. We have soldiers in their place. I have 
written to the Justices for the sending of some of 
those that are run away in our counties, to send 
them to the gaol, and there to be punished by the 
discretion of the Judges which are now in the circuit 
with us. I have written more largely to my Lord- 
Admiral in this matter, for if there should be no 
punishment in so great a matter in this so dangerous 
a time it may do much hurt to her Majesty's service. 

I assure your honour here hath been no time lost, 
neither with the grace of God shall be in any other 
place. I have upon my own credit supplied such vic- 
tuals as we have spent and augmented as much as I 
could get, for that we are very unwilling to return 
errandless. 3 

Let me beseech your honour to hold a good 
opinion, not of myself only, but of all these 
servitors in this action, as we stand nothing doubtful 
of your honour ; but if there be any ill affected, as 

1 MS. ' Vennard.' 

2 No direct justification of Drake's suspicion has been found. 

3 MS. 'arrantless.' 


there hath not wanted in other actions, and it is 
likely this will not go free, that by your honourable 
good means, whether it be to her Majesty or unto 
your honour's that the parties may be known, if we 
deserve ill, let us be punished. If we discharge our 
duties in doing our best, it is a hard measure to be 
reported ill by those which will either keep their 
finger out of the fire, or too well affect to the 
alteration of our government, which I hope in God 
they shall never live to see. 

The wind commands me away. Our ship is 
under sail. God grant we may so live in His fear 
as the enemy may have cause to say that God doth 
fight for her Majesty as well abroad as at home, 
and give her long and happy life, and ever victory 
against God's enemies and her Majesty's. God give 
your honour perfect health in body and all yours. 
And let me beseech your honour to pray unto God 
for us that He will direct us the right way, then we 
shall not doubt our enemies, for they are the sons 
of men. 

Haste ! From aboard her Majesty's good ship 
the Elizabeth Bonaventure, this 2nd April, 1587. 

By him that will always be commanded by you, 
and never leave to pray to God for you and all 
yours, 1 FRANCIS DRAKE. 

1 The strong expressions of personal devotion in this letter 
are no mere forms. The Foreign Secretary was the man above 
all others to whom Drake owed his advancement to the royal 
favour. It was he who introduced him to the Queen when he 
was comparatively unknown. He had been the most active 
promoter of his voyage into the Pacific, and a consistent sup- 
porter throughout of the policy of open hostility to Spain on the 
sea, and from the first he had recognised Drake as the instrument 
that was required. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 105 


[Lansdowne MSS. Ivi. No. 52. Certified Copy of Agreement. 
Endorsed in Burghley's hand.] 

WHEREAS it hath pleased her most excellent 
Majesty to grant unto me, Sir Francis Drake, 
Knight, her commission, bearing date the fifteenth 
day of March in the nine and twentieth year of 
her Majesty's reign, for a service to be done by 
me, the said Sir Francis, with four of her Majesty's 
ships and two pinnaces : and whereas Thomas 
Cordell, John Watts, Paul Bayninge, Simon 
Boreman, Hugh Lee, Robert Flick, and their 
partners, merchants of London, have also prepared 
at their own proper costs and charges ten merchant 
ships and pinnaces, also for her Majesty's service 
Wherefore I, the said Sir Francis Drake, do 
by virtue of my said commission covenant, promise, 
and grant to and with the said Thomas Cordell, 
John Watts, Paul Bayninge, Simon Boreman, 
Hugh Lee, Robert Flick, and their partners, 1 for 
the better performance of the pretended service, to 
consort with the said merchant ships, which I do 
also receive under my government : and that 
whatsoever commodity in goods, money, treasure, 
merchandises, or other benefit whatsoever shall 
happen to be taken by all or any of the foresaid 
ships or their company, either by sea or land, that 
the same shall be equally divided according to their 
proportions (that is to say) man for man, and ton 
for ton, to be divided at the sea presently after the 
possession thereof, or so soon as wind and weather 
will permit. Provided always that whatsoever 

1 Cordell and Bayninge were prominent Levant merchants. 
Watts was the famous organiser of privateers frequently mentioned 
in Hakluyt ; Ftick the commodore of the London Squadron. 


pillage shall be had either by sea or land shall be 
divided indifferently viz., the one half to the com- 
pany in her Majesty's ships, and the other half to 
the company of the merchant ships ; and for the 
better satisfying of both parties, there shall be meet 
men put aboard of either fleet to have special care 
thereof. And for the performance hereof, I, the said 
Sir Francis Drake, have hereunto set my hand and 
seal. Given the eighteenth day of March, I586, 1 
and in the nine and twentieth year of the reign of 
our sovereign lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God 
Queen of England, France, and Ireland, Defender 
of the Faith, &c. 

Vera copia et examinata per me, 

RICH. MAY, Notary Public. 


[S.P. For. : France, vol. 88. Extract] 

Sir Francis Drake, as I doubt not but you have 
heard, is gone forth to the seas with four of her 
Majesty's ships and two pinnaces and between 
twenty and thirty merchant ships. His commission 
is to impeach the joining together of the King of 
Spain's fleet out of their several ports, to keep 
victuals from them, to follow them in case they 
should be come forward towards England or Ireland, 
and to cut off as many of them as he could, and 
impeach their landing, as also to set upon such as 
should either come out of the West or East Indies 
into Spain, or go out of Spain thither ; but now 
upon knowledge received that the King doth dis- 

1 /.#. 1587. 

2 Sir Edward Stafford, English ambassador at Paris. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 107 

solve his preparations, having already discharged 
the Easterlings, there is new order sent unto Sir 
Francis Drake to take a milder course, for that he 
was before particularly directed to distress the ships 
within the havens themselves. 1 


[S.P. Dom. cc. 46. Signed, addressed, and sealed.] 

Right Honourable, These are to give to under- 
stand that on the second of this month we departed 
out of the Sound of Plymouth ; we had sight of the 
Cape Finisterre 2 the fifth; we were encountered with 
a violent storm during the space of five days, 
by which means our fleet was put asunder, and a 
great leak sprang upon the Dreadnought. The 1 6th 
we met all together at the Rock, 3 and the iQth we 
arrived into the Road of Cadiz, 4 in Spain, where we 
found sundry great ships, some laden, some half- 
laden, and some ready to be laden with the King's 
provisions for England. We stayed there until the 
2ist, in which meantime we sank a Biscayan of 
1,200 tons, burnt a ship of the Marquess of Santa 
Cruz of 1,500 tons, and 31 ships more of 1,000, 
800, 600, 400 to 200 tons the piece, carried away 
four with us laden with provisions, and departed 

1 The new orders never reached him ; see pp. 100-2. 

2 MS. ' Venester.' 

3 Cape Roca, known to our seamen as the Rock of Lisbon. 

4 Here and elsewhere, except when otherwise mentioned, the 
MSS. have ' Gales.' The place was always so called in England at 
this time. The reason is not clear. Cadiz, or Cadis, was its 
Spanish name, from the Roman ' Gades.' ' Cale,' or ' cala,' meant 
an inlet, such as that which formed the port of Cadiz ; but 
Portus Cala was the old name of Oporto, not of Cadiz. (Taylor, 
Names and their Histories.} 'Gales' was pronounced as one 
syllable, being used as a rhyme for 'Wales' and often written ' Gaels.' 


thence at our pleasure, with as much honour as we 
could wish, notwithstanding that during the time of 
our abode there we were both oftentimes fought 
withal by twelve of the King's galleys, of whom we 
sank two, and always repulsed the rest, and were 
without ceasing vehemently shot at from the shore, 
but to our little hurt, God be thanked ; yet at our 
departure we were courteously written unto by one 
Don Pedro, general of those galleys. 1 I assure your 
honour the like preparation was never heard of 
nor known, as the King of Spain hath and daily 
maketh to invade England. He is allied with 
mighty Princes and Dukes in the Straits, of whom 
(besides the forces in his own dominions) he is to 
have great aid shortly, and his provisions of bread 
and wines are so great as will suffice 40,000 men a 
whole year, which, if they be not impeached before 
they join, will be very perilous. Our intent there- 
fore is, by God's help, to intercept their meetings 
by all possible means we may, which I hope shall 
have such a good success as shall tend to the 
advancement of God's glory, the safety of her 
Highness's royal person, the quiet of her country, 
and the annoyance of the enemy. This service, 
which by God's sufferance we have done, will (with- 
out doubt) breed some alteration of their pretences ; 
howbeit all possible preparations for defence are 
very expedient to be made. Thus much, touching 

1 From the documents published by Captain Duro (Armada 
Inventible) it appears that the commander of the galleys on the 
Andalucian Station was Don Martin de Padilla, Conde de Santa 
Gadea ; but it is not known where he was during Drake's attack. 
The Venetian account (Venetian Calendar, viii. 275) and the 
French account (Camden Soc. Misc. v. 33) both agree that they 
were under the command of one Don Pedro de Acuna or Acugna. 
A man of this name served as a paid officer in the Armada, but 
with no important command. Nothing more seems known of 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 109 

our proceedings and farther intent in this action, I 
have thought meet to furnish unto your honour, 
and would use more larger discourse, but that want 
of leisure causeth me to leave the same to the 
report of this bearer. 1 And so, in very great haste, 
with remembrance of my humble duty, do take my 
leave of your honour. From aboard her Highness' s 
good ship the Elizabeth Bonaventure, the 2yth of 
April, 1587. 

Your honour's ready 

always to be commanded, 


[Postscript. Holograph.] 

I dare not a'most write unto your honour of 
the great forces we hear the King of Spain hath 
out in the Straits. Prepare in England strongly, 
and most by sea. Stop him now, and stop him 
ever. Look well to the coast of Sussex. I will 
surely write you more, as occasion shall be mini- 
stered, and, with the grace of God, will fight with 
them, for it is the Lord that giveth victory. 

I leave the report of divers particulars to the 
bearer hereof, and pray pardon for not writing 
with my own hand. I am overcome with busi- 

Your honour's ever ready 



[S.P. Dom. cc. 47. Signed and addressed.] 

Right Honourable, Knowing that you, amongst 
many of my good friends, are desirous to hear of our 

1 Probably Captain Robert Crosse. (See/<w/, p. 131.) 

2 Latin Secretary of State. 


proceedings in this action, I have thought good to 
satisfy your expectation with this short advertise- 
ment. You shall understand that the iQth of this 
month we arrived at Cadiz, where, finding divers 
huge ships loaden and to be loaden with the King's 
provision for England, of whom we burnt 32, and 
sank a great argosy, and carried away four with us. 
We remained in the Road two days, in which time 
twelve of the King's galleys sundry times encountered 
us; in which fights we sank two of them, repulsing 
the residue with very little loss on our parts. How- 
beit the ordnance from the shore vehemently 
thundered at us during our abode there, and the 
power of the whole country, being raised, resorted 
in great numbers to their succour, yet (thanked be 
God) we went thence, in despite of them all, with 
great honour, being at our departure courteously 
written unto by one Don Pedro, general of 
those galleys. Now being well furnished with 
necessary provision, our intent is (God willing) to 
impeach the fleet which is to come out of the Straits 
and divers other places before it join in with the 
King's forces, in the accomplishment whereof 
neither willing minds or industry shall be wanting. 1 
For want of time I leave the report at large of 
this good success unto this bearer, and thus in much 
haste do bid you heartily farewell. From aboard her 
Majesty's good ship the Elizabeth Bonaventure, the 
27th of April, 1587. 

Yours, very willing to be commanded, 


1 This shows that Drake did not regard his attack on Cadiz 
harbour as the main object of the expedition, as is generally 
supposed. His views were much more comprehensive, and much 
more modern. Clearly what he hoped to do was to beat the 
various Spanish squadrons in detail, or, at least, to prevent their 
concentration at Lisbon. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 in 

[Postscript. Holograph] 

There was never heard of so great a preparation 
[as] the King of Spain hath and doth continually pre- 
pare for an invasion, yet no doubt but this which God 
hath suffered us to perform will breed great altera- 
tions. Cease not to pray continually, and provide 
strongly to defend to prevent the worst. 1 

Hast yours, 


Private Letter 

[Harl. MSS. clxvii. fol. 104. Copy.] 

Addressed To my very lov[ing friend Mr. John 
Fojxe, 3 preacher, haste and post haste. 

Mr. Foxe, Whereas we have had of late su[ch 
happy succejss against the Spaniards, I do assure 
myself that you have faithfully remembered us in 
your good prayers, and therefore I have not for- 
gotten briefly to make you partaker of the sum 

The 19 of April we arrived with Cadiz Road 
where we found much shipping, but among the rest 
32 ships of exceeding great burden laden and to be 
laden with provision, and prepared to furnish the 
King's Navy, intended with all speed against Eng- 
land ; the which when we had boarded and thereout 
furnished our ships with such provision as we 
thought sufficient, we burned ; and although for the 
space of two days and nights that we continued there 
we were still endangered, both with thundering shot 

1 The postscript is scrawled in evident haste. 

2 The ecclesiastical historian and martyrologist. He never 
saw this letter, having died before it was written. Nothing further 
is known of Drake's relations with him. 

3 The parts within brackets are torn in the MS., and supplied 
by conjecture. 


from the town and assaulted with the roaring cannons 
of twelve galleys, we yet sunk two of them and 
one great argosy, and still avoided them with very 
small hurt ; so that at our departure we brought 
away four ships of provision to the great terror of our 
enemies and honour to ourselves, as it might appear 
by a most courteous letter, written and sent to me 
with a flag of truce by Don Pedro, general of the 
galleys. But whereas it is most certain that the 
King doth not only make speedy preparation in 
Spain, but likewise expecteth a very great fleet 
from the Straits and divers other places to join with 
his forces to invade England, we purpose to set 
apart all fear of danger and by God's furtherance to 
proceed by all good means that we can devise to 
prevent their coming. Wherefore I shall desire you 
to continue a faithful remembrance of us in your 
prayers that our present service may take that good 
effect as God may be glorified, His Church, our 
Queen and country preserved, and the enemy of the 
truth utterly vanquished, that we may have con- 
tinual peace in Israel. 

From aboard her Majesty's good ship the Eliza- 
beth Bonadventure, in very great haste, this 27 of 
April, 1587. 

Written by the hand of your obedient son in the 
Lord, William Spenser, 1 and subscribed with Sir 
Francis's own hand in this sort : 

Your loving friend and faithful son 
in Christ Jesus, 


(In addition written with Sir Francis s own hand] 
Our enemies are many, but our Protector com- 

1 Probably Drake's official secretary, and perhaps to be 
identified with Sir William Spenser, who in 1593 was thought fit 
to be a ' Treasurer at War.' (Hatfield Papers, iv. 461.) 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 113 

mandeth the whole world ; let us all pray con- 
tinually, and our Lord Jesus will help in good time 

Yours ever, 


Despatch 1 

[Fragment of copy at back of last document.] 
* * * * 

The 19 of April one hour afore sunset he 
entered the harb[our of Cadiz] . . where he was at 
his [coming in met from] the town with 7 galleys, 
but the same returned soon [whence they came]. 
In the road there were about 60 ships besides other 
small vessels [which] rode under their fortresses, 
whereof about 20 Fre[nch] ships fled to Port Royal, 
and some Spaniards whose flight we could not 
hinder by reason of the shoals. 2 At our entry with 
our shot we sunk one argosy of about 1,000 tons that 
carried 30 brass pieces, and was very richly laden. 
There were before night about 38 ships undertaken, 
and we victors of the road, for the galleys retired to 
their fortresses. There came presently from St. 
Mary Port 2 galleys and other 2 from Port Royal, 
but in vain, for their chiefest gain was expense of 
powder and shot. 

Of 20 hulks Hollanders confiscate to the King, 
whose goods were sold to his use, 14 were fired, the 
other 6 escaped to Port Royal ; we fired a carrack 
belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz of 1,400 
tons. We fired also 5 great Biscayans, whereof 

1 This is, perhaps, an extract from the missing despatch of 
Thos. Fenner to Walsyngham, which Fenner refers to as having 
been sent home with Crosse (see post, p. 135). The style, 
especially in the passage relating to his contempt for galleys, 
points to Fenner as the author. The first two lines are illegible. 

2 MS. ' schalles.' 


4 were lading and taking in of victuals to the King's 
use for Lisbon, and the fifth being a ship of 1,000 
tons was laden for the Indies with iron, spikes, nails, 
iron hoops, and horseshoes. 

Also 3 flyboats of 300 tons laden with biscuit, 
whereof one was half unladen before in the harbour, 
and there fired ; the other two we took away with us. 

Some 10 barks more laden with wine, raisins, 
figs, oil, wheat, and such like we fired. 

There were by supposition 38 barks fired, sunk, 
and brought away, which amounted unto 13,000 tons 
of shipping. There rode l at Port Royal in sight of 
us by estimation above 40 sail, besides those that 
fled out of Cadiz Roads. 

During our abode they gave us small rest by 
reason of their shot from the galleys, fortresses, 
and shore, where continually they placed new 
ordnance at places convenient to offend ; which 
notwithstanding, we continually fired their ships 
as the flood came in, to the end to be cleared of 
them ; the sight of which terrible fires were to us 
very pleasant, and mitigated the burden of our con- 
tinual travail, wherein we were busied two nights 
and one day in discharging, firing, and lading of 
provisions], with reservation for good, laudable, and 
guardable defence of the enemy. 

It pleased God by the general's great care and 
pains day and night to finish this happy action in 
her Majesty's service in one day and 2 nfights], and 
[we] came out again the Friday in the morning with- 
out the loss of any one man at the action, or any hurt, 
but only the master gunner of the Golden Lion, 
whose leg was broken with a great piece from the 
town, but the man like to do well, God be thanked. 

In a small carvell that was taken the night before 
were 5 of our men without the general's knowledge 

1 MS. 'Ridd.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 115 

because he hasted the enterprise with all expedition, 
which was very needful because the sun was not 
above one hour high at our approach. This 
carvell being far astern came in very late, so as the 
galleys intercepted her with much shot and many 
muskets, but they would never strike, and so was 
taken, which was all the loss that we sustained. 

Ten galleys came forth after us, but as [though] 
to make sport with their ordnance. At length the 
wind scanted, and we cast about for the shore and 
c-ame to anchor within one league of Cadiz, where 
the galleys suffered us to ride quietly. 

Three of those galleys after some sport departed 
the same day to St. Lucar to fetch other three 
galleys and one galleasse that were there, as we 
understood by advertisement of some of our prisoners. 

There were also 3 fly boats at Malaga laden 
with bread, and bound for Cadiz, and so for 
Lisbon. We understand of great provision and 
forces provided within the Straits ; but we doubt 
not but God, as He hath given . us this happy 
victory to the daunting of the enemy, will also bless 
this army, and therewith daily cut their forces 
shorter, to his great annoy, and to the honour of our 
prince and country, which God for ever continue. 

We have now tried by experience the galleys' 
fight, and I assure you that these her Majesty's 4 
ships will make no account of 20 of them in case 
they might be alone and not given to guard others. 

There were never galleys that had more fit place 
for their advantage in fight ; for upon the shot that 
they received they had present succour from the 
town which they used sundry times we riding in a 
narrow gut, the place yielding no better, in that we 
were driven to maintain the fight until we had fired 
their ships, which could not be conveniently done 
but upon the flood, for [that] they might drive clear. 

I 2 


We rest victualled with bread and drink for 6 
months in our ships, and have besides two flyboats 
full laden with bread sufficient for a good army for 
three months. 

We all remain in great love with our general and 
in unity throughout the whole fleet. 

It may seem strange or rather miraculous that 
so great an exploit should be performed with so 
small loss, the place to endamage us being so con- 
venient and their force so great as appeared, from 
whom were shot at us at the least 200 culverin and 
cannon shot ; but in this as in all others our actions 
heretofore, though dangerously attempted yet 
happily performed, our good God hath and daily 
doth make His infinite power manifest to all papists 
apparently, and His name be by us His servants 
continually honoured. 


Advertisement of what passed at Cadiz in the 
Province of Andalucia, the army of England, 
commanded by Francis Drake, having arrived 
there the 2<$th day of the month of April, 1587. 

On Wednesday, April 29, towards five o'clock 
in the evening, the army of England was discovered 
coming straight for Cadiz, where Don Pedro de 
Acugna was with seven galleys ; 2 one of which he 
sent to ascertain what vessels they could be ; and 
the said galley having come within cannon-shot, was 

1 The original French is printed in the Camden Society 
Miscellany, v. 35, with the reference ' S.P. France.' A shortened 
form in Italian, apparently taken from the same original, was sent 
to Venice by the Venetian Ambassador at Madrid. It will be 
found in the Venetian Calendar, No. 513. 

2 The Italian account says one galleon also. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 117 

fired upon by the English, which caused her to 
return to the port, whereby it was known they were 
enemies. The alarm was given immediately 
throughout the town, which got under arms, with- 
drawing into the citadel the women and all persons 
incapable of taking part in the defence, and in the 
confusion wherein they were, twenty-seven women 
and children were suffocated in the press and at the 
entrance of the said citadel. 

The governor and the principal men of the town 
immediately posted the greater number of their 
people at the most dangerous approaches and 
wherever the enemy was most likely to land, and 
while everyone armed himself in the said town, 
despatches were sent to the Duke of Medina- 
Sidonia at St. Lucar and to all the neighbouring 
towns, asking for succour. Meanwhile a number of 
troops, both horse and foot, formed a corps de garde 
at the bridge, the most favourable point for dis- 
embarking. Another party was sent to prevent the 
enemy destroying a bridge by which the succours 
must enter. The enemy having entered the haven 
commenced to send to the bottom the ships that 
came in their way, amongst others a great Genoese 
ship loaded with merchandise very rich, five others 
of Spain loaded and equipped for the voyage to the 
Indies, and a great galleon of Biscay of 700 tons 
burden ; and all the said vessels were lost, for the 
enemy fired them all, after having taken out what 
seemed good to them. 

At the encountering of the said army there was 
captured in the haven by a galley a bark, wherein 
were four or five Englishmen, from whom it was 
learned that the said army had come in thirteen 
days from England to Cadiz, with intention to sack 
the town. Don Pedro de Acugna meanwhile came 
into action with the galleys to spoil the enemy, 


whose artillery being of longer range than that of 
the galleys, 1 compelled them to draw off. 

All the night was passed in great panic and con- 
fusion in the town, and the said enemy having found 
the galleys in the haven and seeing the resistance 
that was preparing to be made to them, made no 
attempt to land their men, and as the better game, 
fell to gutting and burning the vessels which they 
could board. Wherein God wrought a great mercy 
to this people, since terror and confusion had left 
them in a marvellous panic. 

The neighbouring towns and villages were all 
night long making ready their succours, and a party 
came in at dawn, and the rest were marching thither 
and came in from hour to hour. 

On Thursday at daylight the galleys put them- 
selves a second time into action to attack the 
enemy, with whom rested so great an advantage by 
reason of the quantity and power of their artillery 
that the galleys were compelled to draw off. 

The enemy sent a number of barks to set fire to 
the vessels. So that they were able to board a 
great galleon of the Marquess of Santa Cruz, of 800 
tons burden, loaded with wines ; and there were 
boarded by the enemy five other Biscay ships, and 
six or seven Turks, partly loaded with munitions of 
war and victuals, and all were gutted. Thereafter 
the enemy set them on fire. 

The said Thursday, in the morning, the enemy 
made as though they would attempt to destroy the 
bridge, by which they saw our succours entering ; 
howsoever, seeing two galleys and some other 
vessels drawn up to defend it, they made no 
attempt. 2 

1 French : ' estant de plus grande portee que celle des 
galleres.' Italian : ' tiravano di piu lontano delli nostri.' 

2 The Italian account adds : ' and so could not attack the 
ships for the Indies which lay there.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 119 

Towards noon the army put itself in very fine 
order, and made as though they would set sail ; but 
the wind did not serve and blew inshore. Mean- 
while again the artillery of the galleys and the 
citadel never ceased to fire, so as to spoil them ; 
but theirs carried so much further than the others 
that no harm was done, and the galleys were always 
forced to draw off. 

On Thursday, during the day, there came into 
Cadiz 3,000 footmen of different places, and 300 
horse ; the greater part being brought by the Duke 
of Medina-Sidonia, who came in towards noon, and 
the town was saved. At nightfall the guards were 
set and strengthened notwithstanding that they well 
knew the enemy intended to retire, and towards 
midnight a land wind having sprung up the army 
made sail, and the galleys followed it. And at the 
same time the Duke of Medina-Sidonia despatched 
a light boat to follow the said army, until it could 
make certain of the course it was taking : which is 
what passed up to Friday morning, the first day of 

It is estimated that it must be carrying off 2,900 
pipes of wine, 10,000 quintals of biscuits, 10,000 
loads of cheese, and a quantity of other victuals and 
munitions of war ; [besides] a great number of arms 
and artillery, which it took from nineteen vessels, 
that it burnt in the haven. 

Some estimate that the damage which the said 
army has done amounts to three or four hundred 
thousand crowns ; others say much more, which 
cannot yet be valued in so short a time. They sup- 
pose that the said army will take its course for the 
Canary Islands, Madeira or Terceira, and that it 
will there do all the damage it can, and cruise for the 
fleets which are coming from the Indies, upon which 
Drake most likely has his main design. 


Relation of the ships of the army of Francis 
Drake : 

Two flagships (cappitaines], large vessels, and 
very well built for war, each of the burden of 500 
tons or thereabout. 

Two vice-flagships (amirailles] of the same type 
and burden as the first two. 

A large ship of the same sort of 400 tons 

Two galleons very well built for war of 200 tons 

Seven ships of 150 tons, nearly all well armed 
and provided with very good artillery. 

Thirteen frigates, very fine, of 50 tons burden or 

The great ships each bring as tenders two or 
three barks for landing 30 or 40 men at a time. 

Which are in all twenty-seven vessels, without 
the barks, wherein two English prisoners said they 
had not more than 4,000 men, including mariners. 1 

1 The Spanish official report of their losses at Cadiz is given 
by Duro (Armada Invencible, i. 334) in ducats as follows : 

Three hulks from Malaga with 3,443 quintals of biscuit of his 
Majesty's. They burnt the one and carried off the other two 
with 2,000 quintals and her Flemish crew. Value, 10,000. 

Two hulks of 400 and 200 tons with 392 pipes of wine of his 
Majesty's burnt. Value, 15,000. 

A Portuguese ship (navio) with 3,288 bushels of wheat of his 
Majesty's burnt. Value, 5,000. 

A Levant ship (nave) of 600 tons sunk. She was taking in a 
cargo for Italy of cochineal, hides, wool, and other merchandise. 
Value, 40,000. 

A Biscay ship (nao), new burnt with more than 200 quintals 
of iron and other merchandise. Value, 20,000. 

The Marquess of Santa Cruz's galleon burnt. Value, 

Four ships (naos) of the New Spain fleet burnt. Value, 
having no cargo, 15,000. 

A Portuguese vessel (naveta), loading for Brazil with wine and 
other merchandise burnt. Value, 6,000. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 121 

Private letter. 

[Lansdowne MSS. xcvi. 24.] 

Good cousin Gifford, Lo ! here a full amends 
that I wrote not news to you but to Dr. Stillings in 
my other, after which, three hours, I send these par- 
ticulars ; for I wrote only to him in general that 
Drake had played his pageant and returned home. 
Here the manner how ! 

The 29 April last he discovered himself before 
Cadiz, in Spain, where the wind and weather failing 
him, as God would, he could not in two days enter 
the river ; but upon Saturday he did. In this mean- 
time they prepared themselves, planted artillery upon 
their bridge, and furnished their galleys. The 
merchant strangers being very many in number, 
abandoned all their ships, so as 22 of them were 
sunk and taken without any resistance, whereof he 
carried only away with him six which he spoiled 
upon the seas, and after sunk them also. His spoil 
he got is small or nothing worth to England, great 
loss to the owners, which were all Spaniards, and 
Italians of Venice, Lucca, Florence, Genoa, save 

Five hulks, four empty and one with salt burnt. Value, 

A bark (barqueta\ laden with raisins and molasses taken. 
Value, 2,000. 

An 'escorchapin,' laden with wines and merchandise taken. 
Value, 8,000. 

A French ship (tiao\ with a cargo of wines and cochineal 
taken. Value, 10,000. 

A vessel (naveta) bound for Biscay with wines and mer- 
chandise taken. Value, 5,000. 

From a bark (barco), laden for Seville out of the Biscay ship, 
they took 200 muskets. Value, 1,100. 

A French vessel (naveta) run aground. Value, 1,000. 

In all 24 [really 23] vessels (bajeles) ; 18 burnt or sunk, and 6 
taken. Total value, 172,000 ducats, of which 17,426 concern his 
Majesty and the rest private persons. 


one ship of a Frenchman's worth some eight or ten 
thousand ducats. The whole loss in general (for 
Don Diego, who wrote the news, wrote also the 
particulars) doth not surmount to above 170,000 
ducats ; whereof the King's part is least of all, not 
7,000 ducats in victuals, for galleys he lost none. 1 
But Don Marquis de Santa Cruz lost his own 
princely bark, esteemed at the value of 18,000 
ducats, which warmeth him, who, for fear of losing 
his honour before, was always hanging back from 
meddling or matching with English pirates. The 
rest be most of it the said four states of Italy, who 
voweth and sweareth the robbery and arrest of all 
English ships they can come by in Italy or else- 
where. This, coming upon the neck of the infamy 
of murdering the Scottish Queen, will hasten her 
ruin no doubt. Sure all report they fought most 
valiantly, with what loss only themselves know ; but 
the fight was reasonably long, and God gave to the 
galleys during [it] a marvellous calm to their great 
advantage and the enemy's spoil, yet was it not 
noted that any of Drake's 2 ships were sunk 
presently, though most of them banged vilely, and 
no doubt many of their men slain and hurt. But 
when Drake saw 3 their pretence prevented and 
provided for, and the town forewarned of their 
coming, he perceived they had had advertisement, 
and so retired. Their pretence to have taken that 
haven there, and so to have in those straits joined 
with Moors, infidels, and others, to have all traffic 
from Spain either from the Indias or from Mare 
Mediterraneum, a devilish device if it had taken 
success. Here Waad 4 and the Ambassador sweareth 

1 Compare the official return (ante, p. 120 n.) which gives the 
King's loss at 17,426. 

2 MS. ' Draecke's.' 3 MS. < see.' 

4 MS. ' Waid.' Probably Sir William Waad, a clerk of the 
Council, who was employed on minor diplomatic and confidential 
missions about this time. Cf. post, p. 195. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 123 

that some of the Privy Council at home be traitors 
and bewrayed the matter, and so have overthrown 
the realm. 1 God be praised he sped no better. 
Either this or nothing will make seek revenge. 
These news being so true, so particular, and so fresh, 
I doubt not but I have made you amends, good 
cousin ; yea, I suppose as yet your Princes there 
have not these particulars, and therefore use them 
as yours ; but read them not in the Hall till Mr. Dr. 
Stillings have read his, which be only but three hours 
older. Adieu once again, good cousin. Commend 
me most effectually to your mother and sister. I 
trust all three my friends. This Corpus Christi 
even. Your cousin, 

R. T. 2 

The Vice- Admiral' s Protest 

[S.P. Dom. cc. 57, ccii. 14 ii., Lansd. MSS. lii. 39. Copies.] 

My very good Admiral, For that hitherto in all 
this voyage since our coming forth (albeit there 
have been often assemblies of the captains of this 
fleet aboard of you, called by a flag of council, 
which I have judged had been chiefly for such pur- 
pose), I could never perceive any matter of council 
or advice touching the action and service for her 
Majesty with the fleet now under your charge to 
be effectually propounded and debated, as in reason 
I judge there ought to have been, as well for the 

1 This was quite untrue. Drake's attack on the Cadiz shipping 
was a complete surprise to the Spaniards. 

2 This letter is addressed 'A Monsieur, Monsieur Doctor 
Gifford au " seminarie " de Anglais, Rome,' and was probably 
written by one of the Shropshire Throgmortons, whowere con- 
cerned in the Babington plot, to his kinsman Dr. Gilbert 
Gifford, who became the channel of communication between 
the conspirators and the Spanish Ambassador. (See Hatfield 
Papers, iii. pp. no, 346, &c., and Spanish Calendar, 1580-86 


better ordering of the affairs, business, and attempts, as 
also for your own security. (For when you shall deal 
by advice and counsel of such as are appointed for 
your assistance, and such other of experience as may 
be worthy to be called thereunto, howsoever the success 
fall out, it shall be the better for your discharge.) But 
at all and every such assembly you have either 
showed briefly your purpose what you would do as 
a matter resolved in yourself (and of yourself for 
ought that I know, unless you have called unto you 
such as haply will soothe you in anything you shall 
say, and so concluded the matter with his or their 
consents beforehand) in such sort, as no reason made 
by any other not fully agreeing with your own reso- 
lution could be accepted to take any place. Wherein 
we, I speak chiefly for my own part, have served 
but as witnesses to the words you have delivered ; 
or else you have used us well by entertaining us 
with your good cheer, and so most times after our 
stay with you most part of the day we have de- 
parted as wise as we came, without any consultation 
or council holden. 1 

1 Drake's autocratic method of exercising his command was 
probably quite without precedent in an important expedition. At 
a time when commanders-in-chief were appointed rather for their 
rank than their technical knowledge, the council of war had a 
status that was something more than consultative. Even in the 
middle of the next century, when Monck was left in sole command 
of the fleet by Deane's death, he assured his council of war that 
its decisions should be as binding on him as an Act of Parliament. 
Discipline amongst officers was very lax in the sixteenth century, 
and the most important function of a commander-in-chief was by 
the authority of his high rank to maintain order among them 
and make them act together. He may almost be regarded as 
little more than the president of the council of war and chief 
executive officer of the oligarchy of senior officers. Borough, 
as one of the Officers of the Admiralty, as a veteran admiral, 
who had won a brilliant naval action years before in the Baltic, 
as a recognised authority on maritime affairs, and as Vice-Admiral 
of the fleet, naturally felt sore at Drake's revolutionary method 
of proceeding without consulting him. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 125 

This manner of assemblies (albeit it may please 
you to term them either councils or courts) are 
far from the purpose, and not such as in reason they 
ought to be. You also neglected giving instructions 
to the fleet in time and sort as they ought to have 
had, and as it ought to be, for which I have been 
sorry, and would gladly it had been otherwise ; but I 
have found you always so wedded to your own 
opinion and will that you rather disliked, and showed 
as that it were offensive unto you, that any should 
give you advice in anything. At least I speak it for 
myself, for which cause I have refrained often to 
speak that which otherwise I would, and in reason 
in discharge of the duty I owe to her Majesty and 
the place I serve in I ought to have done : which 
place you make no account of, nor make any 
difference between it and the other captains ; nay, you 
deal not so with me as you do to other. Your 
affection may lead you therein, and to love and use 
any man better than you do me is no cause of reason 
why I should dislike it, for myself or any man may 
be likewise affected to one man more than another ; 
but I looked to be well used by you in respect of 
and according to my place, which I find not. I have 
served in place as I do now, Vice-admiral l at the sea 
unto the now Lord Admiral of England ; it pleased 
his Lordship to use me well and accounted of me 
according to the place for the time. I have served 
her Majesty as her Admiral at the Seas as you are 
now, and do think that I should not have been 
appointed for this service and in this place, with 
such words from her Majesty, except I had been 
thought meet to take charge of such a fleet if you 
should miscarry. 2 I have had instructions for com- 

1 MS. 'viz. admiral.' Borough always thus wrote 'Vice- 

2 This passage is highly interesting as throwing light on 


mission for divers services committed to my charge, 
with as large and ample words in effect as you have 
now. 1 For, as I take it, the substance of the scope 
that is given you is this : for that by information the 
King of Spain is preparing a great army by sea, part 
at Lisbon, other in Andalucia, and within the 
Straits, all which was judged should meet at Lisbon, 
and the same to come for England, or some part 
of her Majesty's dominions ; her Majesty's pleasure 
is, by advice of her Majesty's Council, that you, 
with these ships now under your charge, should come 
hither to this Cape, 2 and upon this coast, and seek by 

English naval rank at this time. Borough does not found his 
claim to respect on being Drake's Vice-Admiral, but on being 
' Vice- Admiral at the Sea unto the Lord Admiral,' as though 
he considered he held a kind of independent command, and 
was in the position of having consorted with Drake. Drake 
held a senior command as ' Admiral at the Sea to the Queen,' 
but not necessarily a superior one, except in so far as they had 
consorted together, Drake ex-officio taking the chief command 
of the combined squadrons, in the same way apparently as Flick 
as the Admiral of the London squadron became rear-admiral. 
Borough's attitude should be compared with that of Drake, when 
in 1588 Howard was ordered to join him at Plymouth with the 
main fleet. In this case Drake thought he was behaving very 
handsomely when, from patriotic motives, instead of insisting on 
his position as ' Admiral at the Sea to the Queen,' he accepted a 
vice-admiral's flag at Howard's hands, and he continued to 
insist that he was by right the Queen's Vice-Admiral and not 
Howard's, though he served as vice-admiral in the combined 
fleet commanded by Howard. (See Ubaldino, No. 2, Bib. Reg., 
14 A. xi.) In the subsequent proceedings arising out of Drake's 
charges against Borough, it should be noted he is officially 
styled ' Vice- Admiral of the Seas with Sir Francis Drake.' (See 

1 For Borough's services seeflost, p. 296. 

2 St. Vincent. Drake's plan of campaign seems to have been 
to take up a permanent station at this point, whereby he would 
be in a position to intercept the East and West Indian convoys, 
to paralyse the Spanish mobilisation by stopping the coastwise 
traffic, and to prevent the Italian and Andalucian squadrons 
concentrating at Lisbon. To do this it was necessary to destroy 
the works commanding the anchorage and watering places. It 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 127 

all the best means you can to impeach their purpose 
and stop their meeting at Lisbon, if it might be ; 
whereof the manner how is referred to your dis- 
cretion. This is the effect of your instructions (as 
I remember), and such like in effect I have received 
divers, which I can show. Now, that you should 
construe these words to go whither you will, and 
to attempt and do what you list, I think the words 
will not bear you out in it ; and therefore I pray 
you (for your own good) advise yourself well in those 
matters you purpose to attempt, which may not 
well be maintained by the words of your in- 

The chief cause that moved me to write you 
thus much is, for that it pleased you yesterday to 
tell me that you purposed to land at the Cape, for 
surprising the castle of Cape Sagres, or the abbey 
to the eastward of it (or both). I heard speeches 
and debating of such matter intended by you by 
divers as they were standing in troops upon the 
deck before the steerage l of your ship, before you 
told it me, and I heard the like there amongst them 
also after you had told it me. I could not perceive any 
of them to like there should be any landing upon 
this coast near those places, neither for taking the 
castle or abbey, nor yet for fresh water, for that 
there is no watering place nearer than half a mile 
from the water side, which is but a pool, to the 
which the way is bad. I do not find by your 

was this operation that Borough protested against as beyond 
Drake's instructions. Drake took a different view, and Borough 
quotes no definite prohibition to land beyond an alleged verbal 
one from the Lord Admiral, which Drake would naturally not 
regard as binding. Borough, it will be seen, entirely failed to 
grasp the strategical importance of the place. 

1 ' The steerage is that part of the ship where he standeth 
who steereth (that is, guideth) the ship with the helm ; and it is 
always (in ships of war) before the bulkhead of the great cabin 
that is, the captain's cabin' (Boteler's Sea Dialogues, 101). 


instructions any advice to land, but I remember a 
special caveat and advice given you to the contrary 
by the Lord High Admiral. Now the landing at 
this place for the attaining of three or four pieces of 
ordnance that may be in the castle, and perhaps 
as many in the abbey, if you should achieve your 
purpose (as yesterday it was reasoned and alleged 
amongst them), what have you of it ? No matter 
of substance, neither shall any man be bettered by 
it, but a satisfying of your mind that you may say, 
' Thus I have done upon the King of Spain's land.' 
But, sir, I would have you to consider that though 
you have a great mind to attempt the thing in hope 
of good success, yet you may miss of your purpose ; 
for [some] of your own captains that should serve for 
the land have said that if they were in either of those 
two places, being such as they are reported, with one 
hundred good men, they would not doubt to keep 
you out with all the force you can make. And 
shall we think that the people of this country are so 
simple that upon such advertisements of us as they 
have, and our being continually in their sight thus 
many days as we have been, that they will not 
seek to provide for those places, and for the coasts 
hereabout, as well as they can ? Surely I do not 
think so of them, and therefore the getting of them 
may be doubtful ; and so may it be doubted of your 
safe landing and safe returning back to the ships 
without great loss of men, or overthrow by the 
power that may be raised in the land, which God 
keep you from. 

Besides, you know what galleys we left at Cadiz 
and of twenty more that are come from Gibraltar. 
Let us think that the governors under the King have 
a care for keeping of his coasts, and why may there 
not be part or the most part of those galleys sent to 
lie upon this coast, to wait opportunity to take the 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 129 

advantage upon us (as this night divers of my company 
said they saw three between us and shore even at the 
very instant when the gale began) ? You know they 
may be upon the coast near at hand where they may 
see us, or have intelligence where we are, and what we 
do from time to time, and yet we not [able] to see them 
nor have any knowledge of their being. So may they 
wait for your landing, and cut you off and endanger 
the fleet (if it be calm and the ships at anchor where 
they cannot traverse to make play with them) ; yea, 
they may trouble us and do some mischief to our 
fleet, being calm, as of late it hath been, if we keep 
so near the shore scattered as yesterday and in 
former time we did, albeit we attempt not to land. 

Moreover, to land men requireth a land wind or 
calm weather and smooth water, that the ships may 
be brought at anchor near the shore. When men are 
landed, it is uncertain when they shall return. If in 
the meantime the wind should chop off into the sea 
upon the sudden, what then ? Do you think it meet 
that the ships should remain at anchor, and put all 
in hazard to be lost and cast away ? 

Consider, I pray you, effectually of these points, 
for I have done so, and therefore am resolved in 
opinion that it is not meet nor convenient that you 
attempt to land here, about which I thought good to 
advertise rather by writing, which you may keep to 
yourself or manifest it at your pleasure (for I have 
done it, as I will answer to every point thereof), 
than to have said so much openly or in hearing of 
some, which haply might have been to your dis- 

I pray you take this in good part, as I mean it ; 
for I protest before God I do it to no other end, but 
in discharge of my duty towards her Majesty and 
the service, and of good will and well-meaning to- 
wards you. Aboard the Lion, in sight of Cape 



St. Vincent, this Sunday morn, the 3Oth of April 


Yours at command, 

W. B. 

To the Right Worshipful Sir Francis Drake, 
Knight, her Majesty's Admiral of the fleet here 
present at the seas, aboard the Elizabeth Bona- 

The Vice- Admiral 's Apology 

[Lansdowne MSS. No. 42, f. 115, and S.P. Dom. ccii. 144. 
[Initialed copies.] 

SIR, I am sorry that you make such construc- 
tion of my letter. I protest I did it only in discharge 
of my duty for the better performance of her 
Majesty's service. If you shall willingly accept it so, 
it is that whereof I shall be very glad, and you shall 
find as much good will and forwardness in me for 
the execution of her Majesty's service in this action, 
as shall become that place and credit that her 
Majesty and her Highness's Council have thought 
me worthy of, and myself as worthy to follow your 
directions, as at any time I have done, or any man 
shall do. And for further satisfying of you I will 
do such further matter 1 as these gentlemen shall 
relate unto you. 

Aboard the Lion this Tuesday, the 2 of May, 


Yours to command, 


To the Right Worshipful Sir Francis Drake, 
Knight, her Majesty's Admiral of the fleet here 

1 Here is inserted in the margin, ' That was to burn or deliver 
him the copy of my letter.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 131 

present at the seas. Aboard the Elizabeth 

Endorsed. -^Touching the Lion's departing away 
at the sea from the Admiral, Sir Fra. Drake. 

Anno 1587. 


[S.P. Dom. cci. 33. Addressed. Holograph.] 

Since the departing of Captain Crosse, 1 Right 
honourable, there hath happened between the Span- 
iards, Portingals, and ourselves divers combats, 
in the which it hath pleased God that we have taken 
forts, ships, barks, carvels, and divers other vessels 
more than a hundred, most laden, some with oars 
for galleys, planks and timber for ships and pinnaces, 
hoops and pipe-staves for cask, with many other 
provisions for this great army. I assure your honour 
the hoops and pipe-staves were above 16 or 17 
hundred ton in weight, which cannot be less than 25 
or 30 thousand ton if it had been made in cask ready 
for liquor, all which I commanded to be consumed 
into smoke and ashes by fire, which will be unto the 
King no small waste of his provisions, besides the 
want of his barks. The nets which we have consumed 
will cause the people to curse their governors to 
their faces. 2 

1 Afterwards Sir Robert Crosse. He was Vice-Admiral of 
Drake's division in 1588. He presumably had been sent home 
with the despatches, dated April 27, announcing the success 
at Cadiz. See p. 109 n. 

2 This refers to the destruction of the Portuguese Algarve 
fisheries, upon which, since the Spaniards had been driven from 
the Newfoundland and North Sea grounds, the Armada princi- 
pally depended for its supply of salt fish. It was an additional 
advantage of the St. Vincent position that it enabled Drake to 
carry out this operation. 

K 2 


The Portingals I have always commanded to 
be used well, and set them ashore without the 
wanting of any of their apparel, and have made 
them to know that it was unto me a great grief that 
I was driven to hurt of theirs to the value of one 
real of plate, but that I found them employed for the 
Spaniards' services, which we hold to be our mortal 
enemies, and gave some Portingals some money 
in their purses and put them aland in divers places, 
upon which usage, if we stay here any time, the 
Spaniards which are here in Portingal, if they come 
under our hands, will become all Portingals and 
play as Peter did forswear their master rather than 
to be sold as slaves. 1 I assure your honour this 
hath bred a great fear in the Spaniard. 

I spoke with the Marquis of Santa Cruz at 
Cascaes, 2 near Lisbon, by messenger, where he 
was aboard his galleys, to know whether he would 
redeem any of his master's subjects, which I had 
some store of, for such of my mistress's people as 
he had under his government. The Marquis 
sent me word that as he was a gentleman he had 
none, and that I should assure myself that if he 
had had any he would surely have sent them 
me ; which I knew was not so, for that I had true 
intelligence by Englishmen and Portingals that 
the Marquis had divers Englishmen both in his 
galleys and prisons ; but in truth I think the Marquis 
durst not release our Englishmen before he have 
orders from his King and liberty from the persecuting 
clergy. I sent likewise to the General of the King's 
galleys at Cadiz, and to all such governors as I 
conveniently might, for the redeeming of the Span- 

1 This is explained by what follows. 

2 MS. ' Castcalles.' The English bias for the termination 
' cales ' is shown again in this case. Cascaes is often written in 
English letters ' Cascales.' See p. 107 n. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 133 

iards. They all answered me kindly, but some had 
bought a plough of oxen, others had taken a farm, 
and the rest had married wives ; the former prayed 
to be held excused, and the latter could send us no 
Englishmen. Whereupon it is agreed by us all, 
her Majesty's captains and masters, that all such 
Spaniards as it shall please God to send under our 
own hands, that they shall be sold unto the Moors, 
and the money reserved for the redeeming of such 
of our countrymen as may be redeemed therewith. 

In the revenge of these things what forces the 
country is able to make we shall be sure to have 
brought upon us, as far as they may with all the 
devices and traps they can devise. I thank them 
much they have stayed so long, and when they come 
they shall be but the sons of mortal men, and for the 
most part enemies to the truth and upholders of 
Baal or Dagon's Image, which hath already fallen 
before the ark of our God with his hands and arms 
and head strucken off. As long as it shall please 
God to give us provisions to eat and drink, and that 
our ships and wind and weather will permit us, you 
shall surely hear of us near this Cape of St. Vincent, 
where we do and will expect daily what her Majesty 
and your honours will further command. 

God make us all thankful that her Majesty sent 
out these few ships in time. 

If there were here 6 more of her Majesty's good 
ships, of the second sort, we should be the better 
able to keep the forces from joining and haply take 
or impeach his fleets from all places in the next 
month and so after, which is the chiefest times of 
their returns home, which I judge, in my poor 
opinion, will bring this great monarchy to those 
conditions which are meet. 1 

1 Crosse, apparently, had been sent home to solicit reinforce- 
ments, so that Drake might retain the station, and intercept the 
homeward-bound convoys from India and America. 


There must be a beginning of any great matter, 
but the continuing unto the end until it be thoroughly 
finished yields the true glory. If Hannibal had fol- 
lowed his victories, it is thought of many, he had 
never been taken by Scipio. 1 God make us all 
thankful again and again that we have, although it 
be little, made a beginning upon the coast of Spain. 
If we can thoroughly believe that this which we do 
is in the defence of our religion and country, no 
doubt but our merciful God, for His Christ our 
Saviour's sake, is able and will give us victory, 
although our sins be red. God give us grace, we 
may fear Him, and daily to call upon Him. So 
shall neither Satan 2 nor his ministers prevail against 
us. Although God permit Job to be touched in body, 
yet the Lord will hold his mind pure. Let me be 
pardoned of your honour again and again for my 
over much boldness. It is the confession of my 
own conscience. My duty in all humbleness to your 
honour, my good lady your yoke partner, and all 
yours, beseeching you all to pray unto God heartily 
for us as we do daily for all you. Haste ! From her 
Majesty's good ship the Elizabeth Bonaventure, 
now riding at Cape Sagres this i;th May 1587. 
Your honour's most ready to 
be commanded, 



[S.P. Dom. cci. 34. Signed.] 

Sithence my last letters of the accidents at Cadiz 
some exploits, which hath happened in her Majesty's 

1 This and many similar passages in Drake's letters betray a 
study of the military text-books of the time. His allusion to Scipio's 
capture by Hannibal would suggest that he read them in a 
somewhat perfunctory way, at least so far as classical illustrations 
were concerned. He writes ' Hanyball ' and ' Sepyo.' 

2 MS. 'Sattan.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 135 

service by our General and army, I think it my duty 
to lay them down as near as God will give me grace 
and favour in very truth. 

The 2nd of May, some 15 leagues from Cape 
St. Vincent, a flyboat of Dunkirk of 150 tons [was 
taken], her lading being Spanish goods from Flan- 
ders, and as I guess of some good importance, I 
gather about ten thousand pounds and one other 
flyboat, laden with timber sold to the Spaniards, of 
140 tons. 

The 4th of May we drew into the Bay of Lagos, 1 
where in a sandy bay somewhat to the westward of 
the town of Lagos we landed about a thousand men 
very early upon the 5th of May, and so marched 
very near three miles unto the town as our march 
lay. There presented in sight of us divers troops 
of horsemen, whereat [we being] nothing amazed, 
but always bending upon their greatest troops, [they] 
with courtesy gave us passage, so as before we came 
unto the town they were above 400 horse, which 
seemed brave but bad masters. 2 They suffered us to 
march before their fortresses with our whole bands 
within musket shot, where we exchanged some shot, 
and by view and surveying the place found it, as 
now they have made it, of great strength and very 
warlikely flanked ; so that they had in view of us 
nine platforms and flankers furnished with nine 
ancients. Which considered we thought it more meet 
upon some pause, the place being surveyed honour- 
ably and treatably, to depart than rashly to attempt 
the hazard of our companies ; carrying ourselves in 
that course of strength that we made no estimate of 
their forces, two of their horses slain and one 

1 MS. 'Lawgust.' 

2 MS. ' Mrs.' Lower down the writer uses ' Mr.' for ' master.' 
In this case he may mean bad ' musters,' i.e. badly equipped, or 
* bad masters,' i.e. ( bad horsemen.' 


of their horsemen ; and so [we] spent in stands 
expecting their valours l the most part of the day 
before we drew aboard and boarden in good sort 
without the loss of any one man. 

The 5th of May we drew near unto Cape Sagres, 
where we landed and marched towards a castle with 
some companies, some of our shipping landing at a 
village some leagues to the eastward, where the 
houses and village were presently fired with some 
barks and boats. They of that castle made no long 
abode, leaving in it six pieces of brass, but fled unto 
another castle within one mile standing upon Cape 
Sagres, a place of great strength [having] but one way 
to come to it, with greater scope of ground within it and 
fair buildings I guess some hundred acres en- 
vironed with the sea and a marvellous high upright 
cliff on three parts, the front only to approach, which 
was about one hundred and eighty paces broad with a 
wall battlemented of forty foot in 2 height, a gate in 
the midst, a platform at the corners, and four flanks 
on every side of the gate. God stirred the minds 
of the General and his company to approach it ; and 
[he] summoned [the governor] whose answer was as 
he was to assault on the behalf of his lady and mistress, 
he was to defend in the behalf of his lord and 
master. Whereupon the weightiness and honour of 
the cause considered, in that it was meet and most 
necessary for us to win the place for divers causes, 
both to give succour unto ourselves in watering and 
road for our fleet, and withal a great ' pray ' against 
the enemy, [we] resolutely resolved the attempt after 
some provisions of faggots to burn the gate, having no 
other means to attain the entry by reason of the 
great strength. And so [we] began about one of the 

1 MS. ' values.' This form of the word was common at the 

2 MS. ' on.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 137 

clock to assail with small shot, so scouring the loops l 
and flanks that the gate was approached, and the 
assault so maintained that the gate was set on fire 
and relieved continually ; so as within some two 
hours their captain was hurt in two places, and grew 
to parley with offer to deliver up the place, their 
lives and baggage saved, which was granted and 
perfectly performed. A place of such natural and 
ingenious strength as [is] a very miraculous matter. 
But God, who is the giver of all good things, giveth 
strength unto His and striketh with fear those 
whom He meaneth to chastise. 

There was in the castle near about some hundred 
and ten men besides women and children, one 
cannon-perier, one culverin, one demi-culverin, five 
great Portugal bases with powder and shot. 

The sixth day the General marched to another 
castle of good strength with some bases in it, and 
took it, and so the Friary and Castle of Cape St. 
Vincent, and took the same, wherein were seven 
pieces of brass, and of great strength, having no 
way to come unto it but one ; which two castles he 
defaced, fired, and brought away their ordnance, 
and burnt between Cape St. Vincent and five miles 
to the eastward of Cape Sagres, which I suppose to 
be nine English miles in length, forty-seven carvells 
and barks, some of 20, 30, 40, 50, and some of 60 
tons, laden with pipe-boards, hoops, twigs, oars, and 
such like. We burned also some 50 or 60 fisher- 
boats and great store of nets, to their great damage. 
This being performed at the Friary, we came again 
some hours before night unto the brave castle of 
Cape Sagres, where were left three captains to 
their companies until our return, when, according 
to promise, our General suffered the enemy to 
depart with their baggage, and then prepared for 
1 I.e. loop-holes. 


fire and fired the same, dismounted their ordnance 
and threw them over the cliffs, which were not left 
there, but with great pain and trouble boarded into 
our boats and brought away. And the same night 
boarded our companies. 

The seventh day in the morning very early we 
landed at the first castle, which we razed and burned 
and brought away the ordnance. And notwith- 
standing this continual service, in the meantime we 
watered all our fleet and boarded all our ordnance, 
and then by one of the clock the whole fleet set sail 
to prosecute further action. 

These four castles at the Capes defaced is a 
matter of great importance, respecting all shipping 
that come out of the Straits for Lisbon l or any 
part of the northward anchor there until convenient 
wind serve them. And so any that come from the 
north likewise anchor there, being bound for Anda- 
lucia or the Straits. Thus desiring God to bless our 
General and us in her Majesty's service to continue 
in all duty and love to do what becometh the 
vassals of so worthy a prince, whom God preserve 
to the amaze of her Majesty's great and mighty 
enemies, and by this handful to increase that fear 
which hereby we find them greatly touched withal, 
in all duty until further occasion I commit your 
Lordship unto the Almighty. 

From aboard her Majesty's good ship the 
Dreadnought fore Cape Sagres the i7th of May. 


The loth of this instant month we came in 
sight of Lisbon 2 and presented ourselves before 
Cascaes with our whole fleet, many within shot. 
The Marquess Santa Cruz being hard by with 7 
galleys, who being loose bare upon their oars and 

1 MS. ' Luzzbourn.' 2 MS. ' Luzzbourne.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 139 

never shot at us, but beat off many musket shots all 
day long. There being a very flat calm the most 
part of the day, [we] made his carvells run aground 
and other shipping upon the rocks, which he suf- 
fered without rescue or impeachment. The next 
day we kept ourselves loose in the opening, but 
could see none to approach, but flying every way. 
The iith towards the evening, the wind being 
fair 1 northerly with a stiff gale, we bare for Cape St. 
Vincent and seized anchoring within Cape Sagres 
the 1 2th, at one of the clock, where we washed and 
purified our ships, washed and amended all things 
needful, having the country in such awe that no 
man cometh near us. Shipping we take daily 
which are bound with pipe-boards and hoops for 
Andalucia which we burn, whereof they will have so 
great want as to them [will be] a marvellous offence. 

By intelligence we find the greatest provisions 
of strength out of the Straits, as from Sicilia eight 
galleons and from Naples four galleasses, and divers 
galleys out of Italy. 

The provisions are so overthrown and wasted, 
as is wonderful, for in Cadiz we brought away and 
burnt seven hundred tons of bread. 

We hold this Cape so greatly to our benefit and 
so much to their disadvantage as a great blessing 
[is] the attaining thereof. For the rendezvous is at 
Lisbon, where we understand of some 25 ships and 
7 galleys. The rest, we lie between home and them, 
so as the body is without the members ; and they 
cannot come together by reason that they are un- 
furnished of their provisions in every degree, in that 
they are not united together. 

As there hath been a happy beginning, so we 
doubt not but God will have the sequel such as it 
shall appear unto the face of the earth, that it is not 

1 MS. ' far.' 


the multitude that shall prevail where it pleases Him 
to stretch out His favourable and merciful hand. 
God make us thankful for His blessings and benefits! 
I assure your Honour there is no account to be 
made of his galleys. Twelve of her Majesty's ships 
will not make account of all his galleys in Spain, 
Portugal, and all his dominions within the Straits, 
although there are 150 in number. If it be to their 
advantage in a calm, we have made such trial of their 
fights that we perfectly see into the depth thereof. 
Desiring your Honour to take in good part this 
simple advertisement as coming from him who de- 
sireth greatly the good opinion of your Lordship if 
deserts move not the contrary. 

Your Honour's in all duty to command, 



[S.P. Dom. cci. 38. Holograph.] 

This flyboat of Dunkirk we took the ist of 
May, in the which we have thought it meet to send 
her Majesty's letters and your honour's for that she 
sails very well. If her Majesty mind to send unto 
us after her return into England, I think she will be 
very meet to be sent us back again. 

There is a ship of St. Malo 1 which was brought 
out of Cadiz by some company of the fleet. Her 
charter-party was in Spanish ; we could find no- 
thing written in French, neither could the master 
or any give us any reason that we might think it 
Frenchmen's goods. We have sent her likewise 
home, to use at your honour's discretion. We have 

1 MS. 'St. Mollowes.' The place was generally called St. 
Maloes at this time. 


THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 141 

here divers letters, which we have taken in the 
Dunkirker and other French barks, that the 
Spaniards think it most safe and best cheap to send 
their goods in French or Breton l bottoms. We 
send two flyboats more with sick men ; the most of 
the sick people are out of the Merchant Royal. The 
one of those flyboats we have their bills of sale from 
the Dutch to the Spaniards ; the other flyboat hath 
a pass of your Lordship, and was taken up by the 
King's officers to lade bread for Lisbon. Thus in 
haste I humbly take my leave of your honour, 2Oth 
May, 1587. 

Your honour's ever ready to 
be commanded, 


Captain Raymond 2 not only having some busi- 
nesses of his own, but we all the captains here have 
thought it meet to commit the charge of this French 
ship and such goods as are now in her unto him to 
deliver unto your lordship and the rest of the 
partners to use according as you shall find them to 
be Spaniard's or French goods. 

Written aboard her Majesty's good ship the 
Elizabeth Bonaventure this 2ist May 1587. 
Your honour's always to command, 


1 MS. 'burttons.' 

2 Probably Captain George Raymond, who commanded the 
Elizabeth Bonaventure against the Armada, though as the Earl 
of Cumberland went aboard her just before the Battle of Grave- 
lines, the credit of her performance has always been given to 
the wrong man. (Carey's Memoirs, p. 20.) Cumberland, like 
Carey, was really only a volunteer. Cf. Defeat of the Armada, ii. 
338, and for his subsequent services see Ibid. i. 16 n. and ii. 
194-7, also post p. 299. In the depositions he is called Raymonte 
(seeposf, p. 162), and by Howard, Ryman. 



[S.P. Dom. ccii. 14. Addressed and signed. Endorsed in 
Burghley's hand.] 

My last sent unto your good lordship was by 
Captain Crosse, which bear date the 27th of April, 
wherein I advertised your honour of all that had 
passed till then. Since which time we have taken 
about 28 or 30 ships and barks, whereof one was a 
flyboat of Dunkirk with merchandise of great value 
in her, bound for St. Lucar, 1 another a small hulk of 
Holland, laden with timber, Spaniard's goods, which 
came from Galicia, bound also for St. Lucar, both 
which we possess and keep by us. The rest were 
small carvels and barks of burden between 16 and 
40 tons, most of them laden with pipe-boards, 
hoops, timber, rafters for oars and such like lading 
of small value, and some had nothing but ballast ; 
all which we consumed with fire, or sunk them, 
besides a number of small fisher boats that we 
found about Cape Sagres, whereof some were kept 
to our ships instead of boats ; the rest were spoiled. 
We landed about 1,100 men, which went before the 
town of Lagos 2 within musket shot of the walls 
thereof, but found it so strong that they retired back 
to our ships without any assault given to the same. 
The next day men were landed near Cape Sagres 
and marched to the castle thereof, which they as- 
saulted, and it was yielded the same day. Likewise 
the same day the castle on Cape St. Vincent and two 
other forts near those castles were abandoned by 
the Portingals, whereof our men had the spoil. 

1 MS. 'San Lucas,' at the mouth of the Guadalquivir, the 
port of Seville. 

2 MS. ' Lawgust.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 143 

After that we also burnt a village of fishermen's 
cottages about 5 leagues to the eastward of Lagos. 
Our fleet showed themselves at the entrance of the 
River Lisbon against Cascaes l (in sight of Lisbon), 
where met us 7 galleys, in the which was the 
Marquis of Santa Cruz. These are the substance 
of all matters that have passed whereof I do send 
your lordship herewith the particular discourse at 
large and a plat 2 of the coast and those places 
where we have landed and showed ourselves, where- 
unto I refer me. 

My very good lord, I did write unto Sir Francis 
Drake my admiral a letter the 3Oth of April, 3 wherein 
for discharge of my duty towards her Majesty and 
the service I did in friendly sort set down my 
opinion, whereof he made hard construction and 
took it in very ill part. And after he had kept my 
said letter two days, which in the meantime by advice 
was thoroughly scanned, and having noted out such 
articles as he thought good to examine me upon, 
when I was before him to answer the same. The 
principalest points that two of his chief councillors, 
his Minister and Captain Fenner, could lay to my 
charge were these the one said I had charged him 
with negligence, which is a great fault to be in a 
governor, and therefore I had greatly offended ; the 
other said I did not only advise him, but rather 
instruct and teach him as a tutor what he ought to 
do, which was likewise an offence. He therefore 
the 2nd of May displaced me from having any 
rule or authority, and placed another to have charge 
of the Lion, and commanded myself to remain in 
the ship as prisoner in my cabin, which I have done 

1 MS. 'Cascales.' 

2 MS. 'Platt,' i.e. a map or chart. The more usual word 
was ' plot.' For the chart enclosed, see frontispiece. 

3 See ante, p. 123. 


ever since. The copy of my said letter to him, 
with a note of the reasons that moved me to write 
it, as also of his proceedings against me, and of 
some things that have passed by him in this voyage 
I do also send your lordship with the same, whereby 
your lordship may see his manner of dealing, and 
judge of the cause I have given to be so used by 
him. I hope I shall be admitted to have indifferent 
hearing, and do humbly pray your lordship's friend- 
ship therein ; and, if it may stand with your 
lordship's good liking, wish it may be before the 
Council, for I do think myself greatly abused and 
wronged by him, and that thereby also he hath done 
wrong both to her Majesty and your lordship ; and 
therefore do hope, albeit in respect he carrieth some 
fame for dealing against the Spaniards the Queen's 
Majesty may favour him, and he by his friends will 
seek by all means he can to uphold his credit and 
make what matter he may against me, yet that this 
injury done to me shall not so be passed over, but 
that his fault may be made known to him and my 
credit thereby repaired according to equity and 
reason. I am her Majesty's servant, and hope able 
to do her Highness as good service by sea as 
he can. 

Because the company by general consent 
amongst themselves have brought the ship back 
without order from the Admiral and contrary to the 
captain's and master's mind, it may please your lord- 
ship to determine what shall be said or done to 
them, and to give order for the same before they 
have their wages paid. I do send the purser of this 
ship to your lordship, who will advertise the truth 
of all things. I purpose to come in with the ship 
as speedily as I can if I receive not order to the 
contrary. And so, with my duty always acknow- 
ledged, I humbly take my leave. Aboard the Lion, 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 145 

against Dover, the 5th of June, at 8 o'clock at 
night, 1587. 

Your honourable lordship's humbly 

and ready at command, 




[S.P. Dom. ccii. 27.] 

15 June, 1587. 

The spoils of bread, wine, oil, &c., which was 
taken at Cadiz should have been sent home as 
merchandise, but the Queen's ships, being victualled 
at their going forth for not above three months, the 
same was detained to supply their necessity, whereas 
the merchant ships were furnished for nine months' 
victuals to their treble charge, so that they require 
to have recompense accordingly forth of the goods 
now sent home. 

And further, whereas there was a pinnace sent 
forth to meet Sir Francis Drake which hath taken 
a prize worth 5,ooo/. and better, the said merchants 
desire to have their shares thereof according to 
equity, so shall they be encouraged to set forward 
the like services hereafter. 1 

1 See post, p. 148. The following letter from Thomas Cordell 
to Burghley (Hatfield Papers, iii. 281) forms an interesting 
commentary on the above. ' September 18, 1587. Being 
deputed by the merchants adventurers with Sir F. Drake, the sole 
and only dealer with her Majesty and your honourable lordship, 
for the obtaining of our portions in those goods brought home 
by him, and having full authority without account to appear 
thankful, I have thought it my duty, in regard to your most 
honourable favours to us in this suit extended, by these letters 
not only to acknowledge the same, but herewith (when by your 
furtherance we shall be made able in receipt of our portions) to 
promise and assure to pay or deliver to your use, and when you 



There be certain things concealed which will 
secretly be divided amongst them that have least 
deserved, whereof a diligent care for the examina- 
tion is to be had, 

Official Apology for Drake s Campaign 


[S.P. Flanders, No. 32. Corrected draft. Holograph.] 

SIR DE LOOE, I have received a letter from you 
dated the nth of this month directed to myself, and 
I have seen and read another from you to Mr. 
Controller, 2 and as in some things they do accord, and 
in some things they are different though not repug- 
nant, so I have thought good for myself to make 
you some answer, and do remit to Mr. Controller 
the charge to answer for himself, and not thinking 
but that our several answers may tend to one end, 
for we both are acquainted with her Majesty's 
sincere good mind to live in peace with all princes. 
Your letter is very long, as your manner is so to 
write, which yet I do not mislike, although the 
matter of your whole letter may be reduced for 
my answer into a small room. 

It seemeth by the Duke's speeches that he 
continueth in mind to have the treaty to begin 
for the conclusion of a good peace, and so also 
I can assure you her Majesty hath the like mind, 

shall command, the full sum of i,ooo/.' The expression 
' authority to appear thankful without account ' for ' power to 
bribe to any extent ' may be specially noticed as a masterpiece of 
euphemism. Whether Burghley accepted the present or not, the 
paper throws a curious light on the way public business was con- 
ducted under Elizabeth. 

1 The Duke of Parma's agent in London. 

2 Sir James Crofts, Controller of the Household, Philip's 
pensioner in the Council. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 147 

and so I think all good counsellors to both the 
states are earnestly inclined. Now, therefore, 
seeing both parties profess their allowance of a 
peace, it is to be considered from whence the 
impediment groweth. I see what is said there on 
the Duke's part that he is ready to appoint 
Commissioners to meet with ours, but in the 
meantime he proceedeth with all his forces that 
he can command to besiege, batter, assault, and 
by blood to destroy a town guarded with her 
Majesty's people. I mean Sluys. 1 Also that he 
had offered the like attempt to Ostend. 

Now how these two actions do agree is easily to 
be seen, to offer to treat of peace in words and to use 
all actions of a bloody war at the same instant. 
Therefore, to conclude plainly, I find her Majesty 
well disposed to have a treaty, and to have her 
Commissioners ready also to take shipping, if the 
Duke shall forbear his present hostility against 
Sluys, and if he be thereto disposed he may find 
commodity to accord with the Earl of Leicester, 
her Majesty's lieutenant and the Governor of the 
Provinces United, for some reasonable manner of 
a cessation or interim of arms. Whereupon, if 
the Duke shall not be willing then, upon adver- 
tisement thereof with assurance to effectuate the 
same, then it will be hard to induce her Majesty 
to send her Commissioners out of the realm, and 
therefore the sooner her Majesty may be advertised 
hereof the sooner will some success follow. And 
beside this, before our Commissioners may take 
shipping to come into those parts, it is right that 

1 Sluys was being heroically defended by Sir Roger Williams 
with 1,000 men. At the end of the month, after an abortive 
attempt to relieve it by Leicester and Prince Maurice, it sur- 
rendered. Parma is said to have lost from five to six thousand 
men in the siege. 

L 2 


there be a safe conduct for their passage by sea, 
which I pray you remember to obtain, if the cessa- 
tion of arms shall take place. Thus much shortly 
for answer of your letter, but I marvel you give us 
no light, what may be hoped to be obtained for the 
people of the Provinces United, to enjoy their 
religion and exercise thereof, a matter whereof I did 
always warn you that without the same I never could 
hope of any sound conclusion or effect of peace. 

When I had written thus far, and had read it 
over, being ready to sign it, I bethought myself that 
you would think I had not answered one great 
scruple mentioned in your letter by the Duke 
remembered, which was that he misliked greatly the 
actions of Sir Fras. Drake, doubting that they 
might alienate the King's mind from the inclining 
to peace, whereunto this answer ought to satisfy 
you, to be delivered if hereafter the Duke shall 
reiterate that scruple. True it is, and I avow it 
upon my faith, her Majesty did send a ship expressly 
with a message by letters charging him not to show 
any act of hostility before he went to Cales ; which 
messenger by contrary winds could never come to 
the place where he was, but was constrained to 
come home, and hearing of Sir Fras. Drake's actions 
her Majesty commanded the party that returned to 
have been punished, but that he acquitted himself 
by the oath of himself and all his company. And 
so unwitting, yea unwilling, to her Majesty those 
actions were committed by Sir Fras. Drake, for the 
which her Majesty is as yet greatly offended with 
him. And now for his bringing home of a rich 
ship that came out of the East Indies. I assure 
me the Queen knoweth not as yet of what value 
her lading is, but considering the great losses that 
her subjects had both by arrest of all their goods 
in Spain and by taking of their persons and pur- 



suing of them to their ruin and death, it cannot 
be that this ship nor many more the like can 
satisfy our former losses ; and therefore until a 
peace may be made and finished her Majesty 
cannot inhibit her subjects to seek their helps by 
reprisals ; neither can her Majesty leave to keep 
her ships armed, or to send them to the ports of 
Spain, as long as she shall certainly understand 
the continual preparations that the King maketh 
both out of Spain and Italy to have an army on the 
seas with manifest intents to come to the invasion 
of her subjects, whereof all the coasts of Spain do 
daily send out threatenings. And hereunto we add, 
as an evil sign of inclination to peace, in that we 
hear that divers of our rebels are lately gone out of 
France to the Duke of Parma, accompanied with 
the Bishop of Ross disguised, to practise with the 
Duke to offend this realm by the way of Scotland. 
No signature. Endorsed. Copy of my Lord's 
letter to And. de Looe when the Duke of Parma 
was besieging of Sluys, 28 July 1587. 


[Lansdowne MSS. lii. No. 39.] 

Objection. Sir Francis Drake alleging against 
me, William Borough, that I am in fault and 
guilty for the Golden Lion's coming away from him 
at the sea without his consent, which fault he, his 
associates and followers think worthy to be punished 
by death, which they urge and prosecute as they 

Answer. My answer is that I am not guilty 
any manner of way for procuring the coming away 


of that ship in such sort, but the ground and cause 
thereof was the company of the ship which did 
mutiny against the Captain and Master, whereof I 
had no knowledge or suspicion until it burst out on 
the 27 of May in the forenoon, at what time I was 
upon the deck with Captain Marchant ; and then one 
of the quartermasters delivered to the said Captain 
a writing made in the name of the whole company 
wherein they declared what weakness and feebleness 
they were fallen into, through the spare and bad 
diet they had. It was further alleged by some of 
them that there was small store of victuals left in 
the ship and 46 men then sick ; and [that] therefore 
with the fair wind that blew they would not alter the 
course, but [would] bear away to England. Where- 
unto the Captain answered that he would not go for 
England, but ply back to the General, and therefore 
charged them in her Majesty's name to bring the 
tacks aboard and tackle the sails as the Master 
commanded, which they refused. Whereupon both 
he and the Master used persuasions, all which would 
not prevail to alter their purpose determined. 
Whereupon the said Captain required to be set 
aboard her Majesty's pinnace the Spy that was 
near at hand. When he was in the boat by the 
ship's side I spake unto the company and told them 
that they had entered into a matter that might 
hazard their lives, and therefore wished them to be 
better advised, and prayed them to stay till they had 
spoken with the Admiral, and made him acquainted 
with their wants and griefs. They answered they 
would not stay to speak with him, for they had had 
many fair promises but found nothing performed, 
and if they should go back unto him he would shift 
them out of that ship and use them with tyranny, 
and therefore they would home, and would rather 
stand to the Queen's mercy for their lives or be 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 151 

hanged at home amongst their friends than to stand 
to the Admiral's courtesy or perish at the seas for 
want of victuals. 

Captain Marchant in faitlt 

Their captain, Mr. Marchant, used no resistance 
by force and violence to withstand their purpose 
(which he ought to have done), and so did I the last 
year in the same ship when the company did mutiny 
for abridging their victuals in reasonable order for 
prolonging the voyage, whereby the service might 
be the better performed, and thereby I appeased 
them. If I had been in that place of authority, and 
not used resistance by violence to the uttermost of 
my power, then had my fault been great, and such 
punishment as is urged might (and I doubt should) 
have been laid upon me. But I was then as a 
prisoner in that ship, dismissed from all rule and 
authority by the Admiral, and the company charged 
upon pain of death so to accept of me and not 
otherwise, and the authority of government was 
wholly committed to the said Captain Marchant, 
who had remained so from the 2nd of May, [the day] 
that I was displaced, till then. All which time I 
stood ever in doubt of my life, and did expect daily 
when the Admiral would have executed upon me 
his bloodthirsty desire as he did upon Doughty. 

Now seeing it was so, and that by the providence 
of God this mean was wrought to save me from that 
mischief, what reason had I to strive against them 
for coming away ? If the ship had stayed by the 
Admiral I had assuredly been put to death ; for 
Sir Francis hath often said since he came home that 
nothing so much repenteth him as that he did not 
cut me off whilst I remained by him. And what 
passed against me after the Lion's departure was 
partly declared by his own mouth out of his own 


book, which he did read the 25 of July at Theobald's. 
He panelled a jury, and upon their verdict (by his 
law and himself the judge) pronounced sentence 
of death against me, the Master of the ship, the 
boatswain and other, and made full account that at 
his return home the same judgment should have 
been executed upon us, but if he had gotten us at 
sea he would have performed it there. 

Sir Francis Drake, in urging this matter so 
vehemently against me, being able sufficiently to 
clear myself from being privy or abetting to the 
coming away of the Lion, doth altogether forget 
how he demeaned himself towards his Master and 
Admiral, Mr. John Hawkyns, at the port of San 
Juan de Ulua 1 in the West Indies, when contrary to 
his said Admiral's command he came away and left 
his said Master in great extremity, whereupon he 
was forced to set at shore in that country to seek 
their adventures 100 of his men ; which matter if it 
had been so followed against him (for that he could 
no ways excuse it) might justly have procured that 
to himself which now most unjustly, bloodily, and 
maliciously by all devices whatsoever he hath 
sought and still seeketh against me. 2 

1 MS. St. John de Loo. 

2 It is very doubtful whether this charge against Drake was 
ever substantiated. Borough admits it was never 'followed 
against him.' It refers to his having made the best of his way 
home after the treacherous attack on Hawkyns's fleet in the port 
of Mexico nearly twenty years before. Whether right or wrong, 
he certainly had much excuse. His own ship was overcrowded, 
he was short of victuals, he had parted from Hawkyns in a gale, 
and, so far as is known, had been given no rendezvous nearer 
than Plymouth, the port for which they were bound. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 153 


[Landsdowne MSS. lii. 41.] 
Anno 1587. 

Articles objected with the answers to the same 
touching the voyage with the Lion of her Majesty. 

1. Not a man in the gunner room that was of 

any skill or knowledge. 

They were such as the Master Gunner pro- 
vided and made choice of, and such as Sir Francis 
left in the ship. 

2. The company of the ship, fishermen and 

simple fellows of small value and easily to 
be led. 

They were the same that Sir Francis carried in 
that ship with him from Queenborough, and such 
other as he appointed to her at Plymouth, saving 
10 sufficient men that I brought with me and 
added to them. 

3. That Mr. Borough was so afraid of the 

shot, as he could not tell where to ride 

with the ship. 

That I had no such fear of the shot it may 
appear by the places where the Lion rode in the 
bay of Cadiz, after our first anchoring the evening 
we came in. For at all times wheresoever the 
Admiral and fleet removed from the shot of the 
shore and galleys, the Lion anchored and remained 
between them and the shot, till at length when they 
had brought a piece of ordnance out of the town and 
placed it upon a cliff against the ship, with which 
they struck off the gunner's leg and hit the ship 
under water, whilst I was aboard of the Admiral. 
Whereupon the Master laid out a warp, to the north- 
wards towards the entering of St. Mary Port, to 
have the ship from the shot of that piece, and where 


she might ride at more liberty from the shoals ; 
which warping that ways I allowed of, better than 
to have borne up higher amongst the thick of the 
fleet in so narrow and dangerous a place as they 
did ride ; but that warping from the fleet was not 
for fear of blows, for we saw the galleys coming 
to impeach our passage that way, whereby we 
were sure to have more shot than if we had 
remained still ; but that made us not to stay, for 
having the ship where she might ride in more safety 
from danger of grounding, which place we went unto 
in despite of those galleys, and drove them back to 
Cadiz, and rode there quietly ; and by that means 
the rest of the fleet also rode the more quietly. 

4. That if Sir Francis Drake would have been 
advised by Mr. Borough, there had been 
no service done, and they should have 
come home as they went forth. 
Touching the attempt at Cadiz I was never 
against it, but was always desirous that we might 
have had conference, with such as knew the place, 
how and in what order it might best be done, and 
to that end I gathered advertisements and notes by 
a flyboat that I met in the Bay of Portugal the i6th 
of April, which came from Cadiz the 5th of the same 
month. Those notes I delivered as soon as I might 
to mine Admiral ; whereupon he resolved, at the 
first sight of them, to go presently for that place, 
which I never disliked, but would gladly that there 
might have been conference had with such of the 
fleet as knew the place, how it might be done in best 
order ; and to that effect I did likewise move the 
Admiral the same day we bare in unto the Bay of 
Cadiz a little before we had sight of the place, and 
would gladly have had him stay till the fleet had 
come up, that we might have conferred upon the 
same, and have borne into the Bay, so as we might 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 155 

have anchored there at 8 of the clock in the evening ; 
but he would not stay, but bare away straight, and 
I followed him next. But as touching landing at 
Cape Sagres, it is true that I did dissuade from it, by 
my letter, upon the reasons therein alleged for that 
it was contrary to the instructions and advice given, 
and might hinder the purpose we were appointed to 
attend for, which was to intercept the fleet that 
should come for Lisbon. 

[5.] That the most of the company's sickness of 
the Lion came by fear which they had of 
the galleys rather than otherwise. 

I never perceived any fear in the company of the 
Lion of the galleys, albeit it may be there were 
some such in corners, which I saw not. Truth it is, 
one night about midnight there were some that said 
they had spied 3 galleys near us ; whereupon I was 
called out of my bed, but when I came up I could 
see none. Whether that speech did grow upon fear 
I know not, but the next night 2 other ships of the 
fleet, about like time of the night, did call out to the 
fleet near them and said they saw 3 galleys at hand, 
which afterwards could not be seen by any other of 
the fleet. Now whether they were galleys, or but 
the conceit of them that said they saw them, that 
knoweth God, and as touching the sickness that fell 
among the company, whether it came of fear or not 
let the world judge that knows or have heard how 
many have died, and what state the rest have been 
in since the ship came home. 

6. That the company of the ship might have 
been persuaded to have stayed if Mr. 
Borough would had travailed in it. 

After Captain Marchant and the Master had 
done what they could I did persuade the company to 
stay till they had talked with the Admiral, and made 
him acquainted with their wants and grief, and told 


them that they had entered into a matter that might 
hazard their lives, and therefore prayed them to be 
better advised. They answered that they had 
many promises of Sir Francis, but saw nothing per- 
formed, and if they should stay to talk with him 
they doubted greatly he would misuse them with 
tyranny and shift them from ship to ship ; and 
therefore they would not stay, but go home straight, 
and had rather put themselves to the Queen's mercy 
or to be hanged amongst their friends in England 
than to put themselves into Sir Francis's hands or to 
pine and perish at sea for want of victuals. 

7. That they were of opinion that the mutiny 

of the mariners grew by the device of Mr. 

Borough, although he would not be seen 

in it, rather than otherwise. 

That I was the worker of the mutiny, or privy 
unto any part of their doings therein before it burst 
out by the company generally, when I was upon the 
deck with Captain Marchant amongst them, it shall 
never be proved or found true. And this I say 
further, as no man can justly charge me with it or 
with having any intelligence or knowledge thereof 
till it burst out as aforesaid. So I protest before the 
Lord God, who knoweth the secrets of all hearts, 
and as I hope to be saved by the blood of Christ 
that I did neither know, think, or imagine of any 
such matter of their mutiny till it brake out. 

(Signed] W. BOROUGH. 

[S.P. Dom. ccii. 66. Copy.] 

The 29th of July, 1587. 
Anno Regni Reginse Elizabeth 29th. 
For that the action lately attempted by Sir 
Francis Drake, Knight and his followers may the 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 157 

better have the truth thereof known, and so much 
the rather considering that there was a departing 
away of one of her Majesty's ships with her com- 
pany, who at their coming home have given out 
many untruths touching the same, we therefore 
whose names are hereunder subscribed have thought 
it requisite to testify under our hands so much as 
we will affirm by oath whensoever we shall be there- 
unto required, as followeth : 


First when it pleased our General to call to- 
gether the captains of her Majesty's ships and the 
captains of the ships of London, asking every man's 
advice for our entering Cadiz, the wind being good 
and divers fish boats in sight, Mr. Borough's advice 
and counsel was not to go into Cadiz that night, 
which if we had not the service had been lost. 

Francis Drake, Anthony Platt, John Marchant, 
William Poole, Humfrey Sydenham, John 
Rivers, Isaac Marichurch, John Harris. 1 


Captain Foxcrofte affirmeth that at the first 
night of their coming into the Road of Cadiz, he 
being upon occasion aboard the Margaret and John, 
went with the captain and master of the same ship 
aboard the General to understand the watchword, 
and coming aboard the said master met with Mr. 
Borough coming out from the General and asked 
of him what the General would do that night and 

1 Sydenham was probably a relation of Lady Drake's. 
Marichurch has ' ob ' written over his name, as being dead. He 
was master of Drake's ship. In the margin opposite the 
witnesses' names is written ' of the Queen's ships, Fenner, Belling- 
ham, Clifford, captains,' having reference probably to Borough's 
objection that this article was not attested by any of the captains 
of the Queen's ships. (See his answers, post, p. 169.) The 
surnames throughout this document are spelt without any uni- 


what our watchword should be ; to whom Mr. 
Borough replied that he had been with the 
General and could persuade him to no reason, and 
that he would have had the General to be gone, for 
there was no staying there. Whereupon the master 
answered him that he thought the best were to 
dispatch that they would do out of hand ; upon which 
speeches Mr. Borough said he was glad he was of 
that opinion and requested the master that he would 
persuade the General, but what answer he had of 
him he heard not fully, yet only this : he heard the 
General say that they should go aboard and ride 
quietly that night, and if they saw the General stir 
to be ready also. Samuel Foxcrofte. 


The very same night Mr. Borough said also 
to Mr. Captain Crosse, ' Would we were going 
away/ when as they had done no service at all. 

Robert Crosse. 

Lieutenant Copland and Williams, being of 
his own company, affirm that the next morning after 
they came into Cadiz Bay, Mr. Borough, being 
aboard his own ship, said (to the master of the Lion) 1 
that he would go and persuade the Genera/ to go 
out, and if he would not, then he would persuade the 
captain of the Rainbow to go out and ride with him 
abroad. And before his return again the master and 
company had warped out the ship and rode two leagues 
off from the General and the whole fleet, before any 
service was done. 

Thomas Copland, John Williams. 


The same morning Mr. Borough came to the 
General in trembling sort, uttering most fearfully 
1 The bracketed words interlined in Burghley's hand. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 159 

these words, how that the ship whereof he was 
captain was hit, and also said, what if one of the 
Queen's ships' masts should be hit, what danger 
were we in. 

Francis Drake, William Poole, 

John Marchant, Humfrey Sydenham. 


The same morning he came aboard of Captain 
Flick in the Merchant Royal, and demanded of 
him what he meant to go up so high, and persuaded 
him to come out, for he thought it better to be gone 
than to stay there, which was spoken in very fearful 
sort ; who, seeing the two galleys to come towards us, 
presently departed from us. 

Robert Flick, 
James Steele. 1 

He warping away the ship he was captain of, 
so soon as the General was gone away with his 
pinnace to take order what ships should be burnt and 
what should be brought away with victuals, [and] the 
galleys thereby finding opportunity to assault him, 
the General was forced to command divers ships to 
assist him, and withal sent his boat and pinnace 
manned. Yet nevertheless Mr. Borough ceased not 
running out so far, as he could not any ways assist 
us, to the great danger of the whole fleet. 

Francis Drake, 

and 28 : Anthony Platt, John Marchant, 
Robt. Crosse, William Poole, John Harris, 
Humfrey Sydenham, Samuel Thomas, John 
Rivers, Richard Fishborne, Henry Spindelow, 
John Bacon, John Paris, John Tippet, Isaac 
Marichurch, John Marshall, James Steele, 

1 Flick's chaplain. See Borough's answer, post, p. 1 76. 


Tho. Copland, John Williams, Thomas Lud- 
dington, John Nicholls, Christopher Newporte, 
Samuel Foxcrofte, George Martin, Jeffrey 
Carwell, Samuel Sutton, Henry Browne, 
John Phillips, John Wilson. 


He being out persuaded Captain Bellingham 
to stay with him, for that he was appointed his 
Vice- Admiral. 1 


He put Mr. Parker in such doubt of the 
forces upon the coast, as there passed many great 
words betwixt the captains and Mr. Parker when 
as they came aboard the Elizabeth. 2 

Anthony Platt, 
John Harris, 
John Marchant. 

He likewise commanded the captain of the 
George Bonaventure to stay with him, and that he 
should have wine of him (he having not any for 
himself) ; and he also said that he would send to 
the General to come out, for he would go in no 

John Bacon, 

He also said that he did know how the 
General stayed there but at the persuasion of some 

1 Against this article in the margin is written, ' Denied by 
Bellingham, Fenner, and Platt, captains.' The last clause is 
obscure and seems to imply that the fleet was organised in 
two or more squadrons, Bellingham being Vice-Admiral of 
Borough's squadron. Nothing of this is known, however, and 
the meaning may be merely that Borough used his authority as 
Vice-Admiral of the fleet. But see /<?.?/, p. 188. 

2 See article 13. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 161 

merchants upon a covetous desire. ' And therefore I 
will,' quoth he, 'send for him, for I am sure he will 
come,' which was in effect before any service was 

Humfrey Sydenham, 
John Tippet. 1 


Captain Sydenham and Lieutenant Copland 
affirm how they persuaded Mr. Borough to go in 
again to the General, who answered wind and tide 
did serve them to go in, but he knew not how to 
come out again. Then said Mr. Sydenham, ' Do you 
think that the General will come away and leave the 
least pinnace behind him ?' Whereunto Mr. Borough 
answered, ' I do not know, but I will not go in ! ' 
Whereupon the said Mr. Sydenham moved Mr. 
Parker to persuade him to go in, but yet Mr. 
Borough would not. 

Humfrey Sydenham, 
Thomas Copland. 

Captain Parker being somewhat doubtful 
(through the persuasion of Mr. Borough) de- 
manded of Captain Fishborne of what forces those 
galleys were, who willed him to be of good comfort, 
saying that he had a ship that in a voyage before 
had fought with six of them. 2 Whereupon Mr. 

1 Seeflosf, p. 197. 

2 Unless this was some unrecorded action, he probably refers 
to the c worthy fight performed in the voyage from Turkey by five 
ships of London against eleven galleys and two frigates of the 
King of Spain's at Pantalarea within the Straits, anno 1586,' as 
reported in Hakluyt. During this action he may have been 
engaged for a time with six galleys. Of the present fleet three 
vessels, the Merchant Royal, the Edward Bonaventure, and the 
Susan, took part in the engagement. 



Parker replied and said that Mr. Borough had 
imparted unto him how they were of great force, 
and therefore it were better for them to depart than 
to remain there considering how they could not get 

Richard Fishborne. 


Captain Spindelow being aboard the Rainbow 
in the Bay of Cadiz the same day that Mr. 
Borough warped out with the Lion from the fleet, 
Captain Bellingham having been aboard the Lion 
at supper with Mr. Borough, at his return to the 
Rainbow gave commandment to the master, named 
John Hampton, that if Mr. Borough did make 
proffer to weigh, that he should do the like, and also 
fall farther out. Then said Captain Spindelo, hear- 
ing these speeches, and weighing with himself, that 
they were already farther out than they ought to 
have been, prayed Captain Raymond and the 
master, John Hampton, to go unto Mr. Borough 
and to know what his intent was to do, for that he 
doubted what might follow if they weighed out, 
being already gone so far from the General. ' For it 
were better,' said he, 'with our credits to return back 
again to our General than to go farther from him.' 
Captain Raymond telling Mr. Borough thereof, 
he answered the said Mr. Raymond and the master, 
John Hampton, as Mr. Raymond credibly told unto 
Mr. Spindelow, in this sort, how it was Mr. Belling- 
ham 1 s desire to go farther out. 

Henry Spindelow, 1 
William Harper. 

1 Henry Spindelow had served as a gunner in Drake's voyage 
of circumnavigation, but it is uncertain whether he completed 
the voyage in the Golden Hind or returned with Wynter. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 163 


The White Lion being commanded by our 
General to ride as near to Puntales 1 as might be, Mr. 
Borough came the next morning in his pinnace 
to know what we meant to ride there, and told us 
how it were best for us to weigh anchor and to 
depart out the harbour. Whereunto we answered 
that we were commanded to stay there by our 
General, and therefore would not stir. The like 
speeches he used to the Solomon, who upon his 
persuasions weighed anchor and departed with him. 

John Marshall. 
1 6. 

In all our assemblies of council or matters of 
any service Mr. Borough's persuasion was for the 
most part to the contrary, or at the least to detract 
time ; and when it came to any service in deed then 
it was by him least performed. 

Francis Drake, Anthony Platt, John Marchant, 
William Poole, John Harris, Humfrey Syden- 
ham, Samuel Thomas, Richard Fishborne, 
Henry Spindelow, John Marshall, John Tip- 
pet, [Thos. Copland,] John Bacon, John 
Phillips, John Paris, George Martin, Robt. 
Flick, Samuel Sutton, William Harper, 
Samuel Foxcrofte, Henry Browne. 


Notwithstanding all these causes and evil 
examples used and prosecuted by Mr. Borough 
we never knew that any word or evil countenance 
passed from our General to Mr. Borough before 
that Mr. Borough had sent him a letter, in the 
which letter to our knowledge he doth touch him 
with many untruths. 

1 The entrance to the inner harbour. MS. 'Pointall.' 

M 2 


Anthony Platt, John Marchant, William Poole, 
John Harris, Humfrey Sydenham, Samuel 
Thomas, Richard Fishborne, Henry Spin- 
delow, John Marshall, John Tippet, Thomas 
Copland, John Bacon, John Phillips, John 
Paris, George Martin, Samuel Sutton, 
Wm. Harper, Henry Browne, Christopher 
Newport, Samuel Foxcrofte. 

1 8. 

And whereas it was reported of many that Mr. 
Borough departing from us at this service of Cadiz 
was a good piece of service, we do all say it was 
most undutiful and a very bad part. And (being 
spoken under correction) we have always held the 
like offence amongst us to be worthy of a very 
extreme punishment. And that if any of us had 
had the like authority as our General had, he should 
assuredly have died for the same. 

Anthony Platt, John Marchant, Wm. Poole, 
John Harris, Humfrey Sydenham, Samuel 
Thomas, Richard Fishborne, Henry Spin- 
delow, John Marshall, Robert Flick, 
Thomas Copland, John Bacon, John 
Phillips, George Martin, Samuel Foxcrofte, 
Samuel Sutton, William Harper, Henry 

[S.P. Dom. ccii. 67. Draft. Unsigned.] l 

A note of certain examinations taken before 
the Judge of the Admiralty, her Majesty's Attorney 
General, her Solicitor, and Mr. Doctor Hamon, 

1 Endorsed ' To the third party ' and in Burghley's hand 
1 against Wm. Borough.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 165 

commissioners in that behalf appointed concerning 
the coming away of the Golden Lion. 

William Hanson, quarter-gunner of the same 
ship, being asked whether Mr. Borough, after the 
departure of Captain Marchant from them, did take 
charge as captain again or no, and by whose pro- 
curement he so did Sayeth : that he did it by the 
procurement and consent of the whole party, with 
whose doings they never disliked, neither refused 
at any time to obey him, and thinketh in his con- 
science that if Mr. Borough had but willed them to 
have returned to the General they would have done 
the same. 

John Terrey, of Bristol, 1 one of the quarter- 
masters, being asked why they did not return back 
to the General at Captain Marchant's commandment, 
Sayeth : he can give no reason, but saith there was 
a great dump 2 and mutiny amongst the company for 
displacing of Mr. Borough ; and verily believeth 
that if Mr. Borough had commanded them to have 
returned back to the General they would have 

Nicholas Blackecoller, alias Crowe, being asked 
what the cause was, when the master willed him to 
put the helm a-lee, that he did not the same, 
Sayeth : he could not do it for that (as he sayeth) 
there was such a press of his company that he could 
not stir the same ; and confesseth that he said in 
jest, and not otherwise, that he would be master and 
captain too, at which the master, turning away, 
laughed, but did neither appoint him to leave the 
helm nor commanded any other to take the charge 

1 MS. ' Bristowe.' The oldest known form of the name is 

2 MS. ' dumpe ' i.e. a depressed or sulky frame of mind ; 
used by Shakspeare of a melancholy tune. 


thereof, for if he had done it he should have been 

Being asked what the cause was that he and his 
company did not go back to the General at the com- 
mandment of the new captain, Captain Marchant, he 
can show none ; but sayeth that the old captain, 
Borough, and the master were as willing as this 
examinate or any of the company to return home, 
and saith that at such time as Captain Marchant 
called for the long boat to set him aboard the pin- 
nace the master (which before a long time had not 
set his hand to any thing) stepped into the chain- 
walls l to deliver a rope unto the company to help 
to haul up the boat, whereby this examinate deemed 
that he was glad of his departure ; ' but now ' (as he 
sayeth) ' we poor sailors must bear the blame of it ' ; 
and farther addeth, that if Mr. Borough or the master 
had willed them to have returned back to the 
General they would very willingly have done it. 

Being asked, after Captain Marchant's departure, 
who took charge as captain, Sayeth that Mr. 
Borough did ; and that the master also presently, 
after his departure (which was about 40 leagues off 
the Rock) in like sort directed his course home- 

Abdye Coppye, of Ramsgate, being asked j if 
Captain Borough had required them to have gone 
back to the General, as Captain Marchant did, 
whether they would not have so done? Sayeth that 
for his own part he would have consented thereunto, 
and verily believeth that his whole company would 
have done the like. 

Thomas Davies, quarter-master, being demanded 
whether Captain Marchant did not promise to supply 

1 I.e. the ' channels.' His purpose was to haul the boat 
alongside, which, as was the custom, was being towed behind the 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 167 

that want of victual if they would return back to the 
General, Sayeth that Captain Marchant promised 
to supply the same, and if they would return back to 
the General, which they refused to do : and saith 
that he verily believeth that if Mr. Borough and 
the master had required them so to do they would 
have done it. 

Farther, he saith that the most part of the com- 
pany did murmur at the displacing of Captain 
Borough, as namely Bellenger and Alexander, 
Trumpeters did. And all Mr. Borough's own men 
were the first that had talk of the same, at the least 
three or four days before their mutiny. 

William Reade saith that if Mr. Borough had 
willed them to have stayed longer or returned back 
to the General, which he did not, he for his part 
would have done it, and thinketh that his company 
would have done the like. 

John Drewet saith that he verily thinketh that 
if the master and Mr. Borough had required them 
in her Majesty's name to have stayed and gone back 
to the General, they had done it. But sayeth they 
were both as willing to return home as any of the 

William Bigate, master of the said ship, being 
examined whether he did think it was for her 
Majesty's service, and not a fault to come home 
with the said ship, Sayeth he thinketh it was not for 
her Majesty's service, and a fault in him that he did 
not charge his company in her Majesty's name to 
return back to the General. 


[S.P. Dom. cciii. 1. Signed.] 

The Answers made by William Borough, Clerk 
and Comptroller of her Majesty's ships, late 
Vice-Admiral of the Seas with Sir Francis 
Drake, Knight, to the articles objected against 
him by the said Sir Francis and his followers?- 

The 29th July, 1587. 
An R. R. Eliz. 29. 

For that the action lately attempted by Sir Fra. 
Drake, Knight, and his followers may the better 
have the truth thereof known, and so much the 
rather considering that there was a departing 
away of one of her Majesty's ships with her com- 
pany, who at their coming home have given out 
many untruths touching the same, we therefore 
whose names are hereunder written have thought 
it requisite to testify under our hands so much as 
we will affirm by oath whensoever we shall be 
thereunto required. As followeth : 

First, when it pleased our General to call to- 
gether the captains of her Majesty's ships and the 
captains of the ships of London, asking every man's 
advice for our entering Cadiz, 2 the wind being good 
and divers fisher boats in sight, Mr. Borough's 
advice and counsel was, not to go into Cadiz that 

1 In this document Borough recites the Acts of Courts and 
Articles framed by Drake, and read before the Royal Commission 
of Inquiry, 25 July, 1587, and answers each categorically. 

2 MS. Gaels. This spelling of ' Cadiz,' which Borough adopts 
throughout, is unusual. 



night, which if we had not the service had been 

Fra. Drake and 7 witnesses. 

Anthony Platt, John Marchant, 
Philip Nicholls. 1 

[Answer.] To the first article, which consisteth in 
three points, viz. : calling together the captains of 
her Majesty's ships, &c., and asking every man's 
advice for entering Cadiz, being near the place with 
the wind good. Secondly, that mine advice and 
counsel was, not to go into Cadiz that night. 
Thirdly, if we had not gone in that night the ser- 
vice had been lost. This article is confirmed by 
Sir Francis Drake and 7 witnesses, whereof one was 
Isaac Marichurch, the master of his ship, the rest 
his followers, but not one of the captains of the 
Queen's ships, which ought to be heard in that 
matter (and therefore I do humbly beseech your 
Honours that they may be examined and willed to 
declare the truth touching this article before your 
Honours). Because the said master is a man of 
experience and judgment, whom I hold to be an 
honest man that feareth God, and such a one as 
will not altogether be led to swerve from the truth 
and swear it to serve and please affection, I there- 
fore desired your Honours the Commissioners, 3 Sir 
Amyas Paulet, and Mr. Secretary Wolley, that 
the said Marichurch might be brought to speak 
before your Honours where I might be present, for 

1 These three names are added in another hand. 

2 These indications in the margin are added by Borough's 
own hand. 

! The committee appointed by the Council to inquire into 
Drake's charges against Borough. Sir Amyas Paulet was one of 
the Queen's most trusted servants. A rigid puritan, and a man 
of incorruptible character, he had been chosen to guard Mary 
Stuart in 1585. He had sat as a commissioner on her trial, and 
had recently returned from a mission to the States. 


that I doubted not to put him in mind that he had 
overshot himself; whereupon it pleased your Honours 
to send for him. When he came before your 
Honours, the article being read, and his hand 
showed, he confessed both. Then he was de- 
manded of the first part, whether the captains of 
the Queen's ships, &c., were called aboard by the 
General and their advice asked for entering Cadiz. 
He answered he knew no such matter. It was 
further demanded of him, touching the second point, 
whether he heard me counsel or advise the General 
that we should not bear into the Bay of Cadiz that 
night. He answered he would not say it for a 
thousand pounds. ' But,' quoth he, ' I have set my 
hand only to prove that if we had not gone in that 
night the service had been lost.' By this your 
Honours may judge how easy a thing it is to induce 
and bring simple men, and such as have not the fear 
of God before their eyes, in hope of gain and re- 
ward, to set their hands to anything, seeing this 
man hath been brought to subscribe in such sort. 
Now, as touching the going into Cadiz, when the 
Admiral asked my opinion thereof that afternoon, 
being aboard his ship, I answered that I thought 
it convenient to stay for the coming up of the fleet, 
whereof some were as far astern as we could see 
their hulls, and that in the meantime there might be 
a consultation holden for going in, and in what 
order to deal, at our coming thither ; but for our 
going in I thought it best to order it so, as we might 
anchor there about 8 of the clock at the shutting 
of the evening. He answered me that I was just 
of opinion with him ; ' but,' quoth he, ' some would 
have us to stay till morning.' I answered, such 
reasons might be showed for the same, as I might 
be led to like of it also, yet doubting if the wind 
should faint or fail us, I thought it more sure to 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 17 

bear in the evening as aforesaid. He would not be 
persuaded to stay anything at all, but bare away for 
the place presently without consultation or order 
given to the fleet, in such confused order as was 
never heard of in such an action, albeit things hap- 
pened reasonable well ; but if a man of government 
and judgment such as had been fit for the action, 
that would have heard men's opinions and dealt 
advisedly and with order, had had the direction and 
handling of it, we might as well have had the spoil 
of the galleys and town of Cadiz with the rest of the 
shipping we left behind us in that Bay, as those 
shipping that we had thence and spoiled in that 


Captain Foxcrofte afifirmeth that at the first 
night of their coming into the road of Cadiz, he 
being upon occasion aboard the Margaret and John, 
went with the captain and master of the same ship 
aboard the General to understand the watchword, 
and coming aboard the said master met with Mr. 
Borough coming out from the General, and asked of 
him what the General would do that night, and 
what our watchword should be. To whom Mr. 
Borough replied that he had been with the General 
and could persuade him to no reason, and that he 
would have had the General to be gone, for there 
was no staying there. Whereupon he answered 
him that he thought the best were to despatch that 
they would do out of hand. Upon which speeches 
Mr. Borough said he was glad he was of that 
opinion, and requested the master that he would 
persuade the General. But what answer they had of 
him he heard not fully, yet only thus : he heard the 
General say that they should go aboard and ride 
quietly that night, and if they saw the General stir, 
to be ready also, i witness. 


\Answer.~\ Touching the second article, I do re- 
member that the same night, after I had been aboard 
of mine Admiral, I met with the captain and master of 
the Margaret and John, and that some words passed 
between them and me touching dispatch of those 
things that we went to do in that bay, but what the 
words were, I refer me to the report of the said 
master, who I doubt not will speak the truth, and 
thereby reprove this article. 


The very same night Mr. Borough said also 
to Mr. Captain Crosse 'Would we were going away,' 
when as they had done no service at all. 

i witness. 

[Answer J\ I do not remember that I spake with 
Captain Crosse that night, but am assured I never 
uttered those words to him. 


Lieutenant Copland and Williams, being of his 
own company, affirm that the next morning after 
they came into Cadiz Bay, Mr. Borough, being 
aboard his own ship, said that he would go and 
persuade the General to go out, and if he would not, 
then he would persuade the captain of the Rainbow 
to go out and ride with him abroad, and before his 
return again the master and company had warped out 
the ship, and rode two leagues off from the General 
and the whole fleet before any service was done. 

2 witnesses. 

\Answer^\ The parties that subscribed this article 
I nourished as in my bosom, and fed them at my 
own table all the voyage. They served with Sir 
Francis in his last voyage to the West Indies ; they 
know him and his dealings well, and what they have 
said of him unto me I know. I supposed they would 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 173 

not have said anything against me more than 
truth, and therefore desired your Honours the Com- 
missioners that they might be brought to speak 
before your Honours, in my hearing, for that I 
doubted not to put them in mind they had overshot 
themselves; but they came not. Notwithstanding, I 
see by that I find in Robert Flick, who avoucheth the 
6th article, what these men may do, upon the hope 
of liberal reward, which haply they should miss, if they 
avouched not something against me. For so he l 
dealeth with the rest of the Lion's company ; to 
some he giveth money, to others none. And there- 
fore I doubt not now but they will say as other his 
followers do. 


The same morning Mr. Borough came to the 
General in trembling sort, uttering most fearfully 
these words : How that the ship whereof he was 
captain was hit, and also said what if one of the 
Queen's ships' masts should be hit, what danger 
were we in. 

Francis Drake and 3 witnesses. 

[AnswerJ] Sir Francis Drake, in his book of Acts 
of Court, and Articles framed against me, which was 
read by him the 25th of July, the first day of our 
hearing before your Honours, doth charge me to 
come in such fearful sort aboard his ship, and 
deliver such words unto him privately in his cabin, 
where he was alone, and said then before your 
Honours that none heard or saw the same but him- 
self, yet now there are three witnesses produced to 
confirm it. But, as I then laid it open before your 
Honours, that it was most untrue, and proved it by 
that it was impossible to be true ; so I say again, 
that the same morning, when I went to the Bona- 

1 I.e. Drake. 


venture to have spoken with him, as I came to the 
ship's side, I understood that he was gone up to 
Puntales, amongst the ships there, whereupon I 
went up thither with my pinnace (and was then 
aboard the Merchant Royal), where I understood 
the General was returned back to our fleet. I made 
small stay, and returned to the Bonaventure, where I 
found him. Unto whom I imparted that I was come 
to understand what order he would take for distri- 
buting of the victuals, and that I meant to send my 
boat aboard one of the ships for some wine for the 
Lion. He said no, I should not send till I had 
order from him, for there should be nothing de- 
livered but by warrant under his hand. He then said 
I should have 20 tapnetts of raisins from a ship 
that rode hard by. I offered to fetch them myself 
in my pinnace as I went to the Lion, who liked 
not it should be so, but sent Captain Marchant to 
see the delivery of them. This was the substance 
of matter that passed between us at that time. And 
so I took in those raisins, and went aboard the 
Lion, where I then first understood that the ship 
was hit under water, and that the gunner's leg was 
struck off. At what time the master had laid out 
an anchor to warp the ship further from that shot 
(and a shoal she rode by), towards the entering of 
St. Mary Port, which working I liked, and so they 
proceeded therein. Then were the galleys coming 
from Cadiz, which brought themselves between the 
entering of St. Mary Port and us, to impeach our 
passage that way. There came then a small gale 
of wind westerly, whereupon we set sail and plied to- 
wards those galleys. There were six other ships of 
the fleet, by the Admiral's appointment, that plied 
after us, and the Admiral sent his boatman aboard me. 
We drove those galleys back to Cadiz, and anchored 
at our pleasure against the point of St. Mary Port. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 175 

It cannot nor shall never be proved by any that I 
was aboard of the Admiral that day but only that 
once as aforesaid ; and that I can prove by a 
hundred witnesses and more, as also that I under- 
stood not (nor none else of the fleet besides those 
then in the Lion) of the ship being hit under water, 
nor that the gunner's leg was strucken, till my 
return aboard of the Lion, as the whole company 
of the Lion can and will justify the same. Now, 
seeing I knew not of the matter when I was aboard 
the Admiral, how could I utter those speeches and 
be thereupon driven into such a fear as Sir Francis 
reporteth, and they now his followers do witness ? 
It may seem his memory failed him much, but 
rather that God would not have the wickedness of 
his heart conceived against me through malice 
should be hidden, but be revealed and laid open 
unto the world, as was that in the hearts of those 
wicked judges that accused Susanna. 


The same morning he came aboard of Captain 
Flick, in the Merchant Royal, and demanded of 
him what he meant to go up so high, and persuaded 
him to come out, for he thought it better to be gone 
than to stay there, which was spoken in very fearful 
sort, who seeing the two galleys to come towards us 
presently departed from us. 2 witnesses. 

[Answer.] I requested your Honours the Commis- 
sioners that Robert Flick might be called before you, 
for that I supposed he would have avouched before your 
Honours in my presence but the truth, wherein I was 
much deceived ; for he maintained the whole article, 
which is most untrue. It is so that I was aboard the 
Merchant Royal that morning, where he did offer me 
a banquet and I did sit at it and eat and drink with 


him, whereat was the master of the ship and his 
lieutenant (besides his preacher that subscribed the 
article with him, who is a man well known in and 
about London to be greatly detected for his life and 
conversation). Those men can and will I doubt not 
witness the truth what passed then between us, and 
how by my order only they brought up the ship to 
that place, and that I demanded no such question 
what they meant to go up so high (for it is without 
sense, seeing I appointed them to do it), nor persuaded 
them to come out, or to be gone, neither used any 
speeches there in fearful sort ; nor that there were 
any galleys seen or perceived coming towards that 
ship whilst I was aboard her, as in the article is 
alleged. In truth if I had well considered of the 
disposition and usage of the said Flick the 25 
July when the cause between Sir Francis Drake 
and me was first heard at Waltham before your 
Honours how he thrust himself in, and offered to 
speak, and did there avouch before your Honours 
that the Admiral gave instructions to the fleet before 
his departure from Plymouth, which is most untrue, 
and was there manifestly reproved ; [and how] he also 
avouched that the going up of the Merchant Royal to 
Puntales was of himself, and not by my order, which 
likewise was there before your Honours manifestly 
reproved ; I might thereby have judged what he 
would have done in this. I see in the man forward- 
ness to speak anything, and therefore how much the 
rather in matters that may concern his profit (or his 
upholding or undoing), as such is now his case in 
pleasing or displeasing Sir Francis Drake. 


He warping away the ship he was captain of 
so soon as the General was gone away with his 
pinnace to take order what ships should be burnt 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 177 

and what should be brought away with victuals, [and] 
the galleys thereby finding opportunity to assault 
him, the General was forced to command divers 
ships to assist him, and withal sent his boat and 
pinnace manned, yet nevertheless Mr. Borough 
ceased not running out so far, as he could not any 
ways assist us to the great danger of the whole fleet. 
Fra. Drake and 28 witnesses. 

[Answer.] The reason and manner of warping and 
plying with the ship from the place where she rode 
towards the point of St. Mary Port is declared in my 
answer to the 5th article. But whereas it is said 
that the General sent certain ships and his boat 
manned to assist me, and yet nevertheless I ceased 
not running out so far, as I could not anyways assist 
them, to the great danger of the whole fleet, I 
answer : We went no further than against the point 
of Sta. Katarina at the entering of St. Mary Port, 
for we anchored as it were in a direct line between 
the chapel on the said point and the great fort in 
Cadiz, where the shot of the said fort did reach us, 
and we from our ships shot at shore to the said point 
and chapel of Sta. Katarina amongst the people that 
were there. This place, where we anchored, was 
from our Admiral and the rest of the fleet remaining 
with him about two English miles, but not above, as 
Captain Bellingham, Captain Parker, and all the 
masters of those six ships that rode then by us can 
and will, I doubt not, witness if they be demanded 
the same ; and thereby your Honours shall find how 
far Sir Francis Drake swerved from the truth in . 
that he reported, stood in, and would not be removed 1 
before your Honours when we were last heard at 
Council table at Theobald's, 2 where he affirmed that 

1 I.e. stood out and was not to be moved from his assertion. 

2 MS. ' Tiballs.' 



I came out from him and anchored against the point 
of Rota, which place is accounted from that point of 
Sta. Katarina three leagues, that is nine English miles. 
Now as touching our driving back the galleys and 
anchoring at that place, what service was done 
thereby both to our credits and the more security of 
the rest of the fleet I refer me to the report of the 
said Captain Bellingham, Captain Parker, and those 
masters, as also to the report of the Spaniards, and 
such as were then in Cadiz, and thereabouts that saw 
it. No force could have come in to them out of the 
sea, but we were in the way, to have met it first. 
Those galleys durst not assault them, nor put in 
practice such matter for firing our fleet as they 
might, had we not ridden there, doubting we would 
have been on their Jacks. 1 They were 19 ships and 
barks together, and we but 7. The spite the enemy 
had was ever chiefly against the Lion, which they 
attempted to show as much as they could or durst, 
and therefore there is small reason to allege of 
danger they [the rest of Drake's vessels] remained 
in, touching the enemy, or that we were so far from 
them as we could not relieve or help them ; for how- 
soever it had happened, we might either have gone 
to them, or they have come to us. 


He being out, persuaded Captain Bellingham 
to stay with him, for that he was appointed his Vice- 

[Answer.'] Captain Bellingham can report the 


He put Mr. Parker in such doubt of the forces 
upon the coasts as there passed many great words 

1 Qy. ' backs.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 179 

betwixt the captains and Mr. Parker when as they 
came aboard the Elizabeth. 3 witnesses. 

\_Answer.~] I refer me to Mr. Parker's report. 


He likewise commanded the captain of the 
George Bonaventure to stay with him, and that he 
should have wine of him (he having not any for 
himself), and he also said that he would send to the 
General to come out, for he would go in no more. 

i witness. 

[Answer.~\ I commanded not the captain of the 
George to tarry by me, but told him in my opinion 
it were better to tarry than to bear up to the General, 
being then towards evening ; the rest of the article, 
though not with those words, yet in substance I did 
speak unto him. 


He also said that he did know how the 
General stayed there but upon the persuasion of 
some merchants upon a covetous desire. ' And there- 
fore I will,' quoth he, ' send for him, for I am sure he 
will come, ' which was in effect before any service was 
done. 2 witnesses. 

[Answer. ,] In that it is said I would send for the 
Admiral, never any such words passed my lips, 
neither do I remember that ever I had any con- 
ference with them. 


Captain Sydenham and Lieutenant Copland 
affirm how they persuaded Mr. Borough to go in 
again to the General, who answered that wind and 
tide did serve him to go in, but he knew not how to 
come out again. Then said Mr. Sydenham, ' Do you 

N 2 


think that the General will come away and leave the 
least pinnace behind him ? ' Whereunto Mr. Borough 
answered, ' I do not know, but I will not go in.' 
Whereupon the said Mr. Sydenham moved Mr. 
Parker to persuade him to go in, but yet Mr. 
Borough would not. 2 witnesses. 

[Answer .] If I had passed such speeches to 
them, it is not greatly material, but I refer me to 
Mr. Parker's report. 


Captain Parker being somewhat doubtful 
(through the persuasion of Mr. Borough) demanded 
of Captain Fishborne of what forces those galleys 
were, who willed him to be of good comfort, saying 
he had a ship that in a voyage before had fought 
with six of them ; whereunto Mr. Parker replied and 
said that Mr. Borough had imparted unto him how 
they were of great force, and therefore it were better 
for them to depart than to remain there, considering 
how they could not get out. i witness. 

\_Answer.~] Mr. Parker being demanded will, I 
doubt not, declare the truth what passed between 
him and me, unto whom it appertaineth to answer 
the rest of the article. 


Captain Spindelow being aboard the Rainbow 
in the Bay of Cadiz, the same day that Mr. Borough 
warped out .with the Lion from the fleet, Captain 
Bellingham having been aboard the Lion at supper 
with Mr. Borough at his return to the Rainbow gave 
commandment to the master named John Hampton 
that if Mr. Borough did make proffer to weigh 
that he should do the like, and also fall further out ; 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 181 

the said Captain Spindelow hearing these speeches, 
and weighing with himself that they were already 
further out than they ought to have been, prayed 
Captain Raymond and the master John Hampton to 
go unto Mr. Borough, and to know what his intent 
was to do, for that he doubted what might follow if 
they weighed out, being already gone so far from 
the General. ' For it were better,' said he, ' with our 
credits to return back again to our General, than to 
go further from him.' Captain Raymond telling Mr. 
Borough hereof, he answered the said Mr. Raymond 
and the master John Hampton, as Mr. Raymond 
credibly told unto Mr. Spindelow, in this sort, how it 
was Mr. Bellingham's design to go further out. 

2 witnesses. 

[Answer. ,] Touching the words that passed 
aboard the Rainbow, Mr. Bellingham is to answer 
them ; but touching removing further off, I never 
meant it, neither yet Mr. Bellingham to my know- 

The White Lion being commanded by our 
General to ride as near to Puntales as might be, Mr. 
Borough came the next morning in his pinnace to 
know what we meant to ride there, and told us how 
it was best for us to weigh anchor and to depart out 
the harbour, whereunto we answered that we were 
commanded to stay there by our General, and there- 
fore would not stir ; the like speeches he used to the 
Solomon, who upon his persuasions weighed anchor 
and departed with him. i witness. 

[Answer, ,] I do not remember that I was aboard 
the White Lion that day ; the man that reporteth it 
I know not, neither did I use any such speech. 


1 6. 

In all our assemblies of council or matters of 
any service, Mr. Borough's persuasion was for the 
most part to the contrary, or at the least to detract 
time, and when it came to any service in deed then 
it was by him least performed. 

Fra. Drake and 20 witnesses. 

[Answer. ,] Whereas it is said in general terms, 
that in all assemblies of council and matters of service, 
my persuasions for the most part was contrary, or to 
detract time, and performed least when any service 
was ; I would have them to charge me with the 
particulars, or at the least with some of them ; but 
they shall never be able to prove, that I was ever 
behind when any service was to be done, but was 
as forward, or did more than any man else, except 
they account that service for hoisting 1 out and con- 
veying and carrying away the spoil found in those 
ships and vessels that we possessed in that bay, for 
which I was expressly forbidden by the Admiral to 
send or to fetch any, without special warrant under 
his hand, as in my answer to the 5th article. 


Notwithstanding all these causes and evil 
examples used and prosecuted by Mr. Borough, we 
never knew that any word or evil countenance 
passed from our General to Mr. Borough, before that 
Mr. Borough had sent him a letter, in the which 
letter to our knowledge he doth touch him with 
many untruths. 20 witnesses. 

[Answer. ~\ That they never knew evil word or 
countenance, that passed between the General and 

1 MS. ' hoysing.' 



me, till I wrote him my letter ; in truth I never gave 
And as touching the untruths they say I 


charge him with in my said letter, let them recite the 
same or any one, if they can ; but they cannot name 
any, for all that I set down therein is most true. 

1 8. 

And whereas it was reported of many that 
Mr. Borough's departing from us at this service of 
Cadiz was a good piece of service : we do all say 
it was most undutiful and a bad part. And be it 
spoken under correction, we have always held the 
like offence amongst us to be worthy of a very 
extreme punishment ; and that if any of us had had 
the like authority as our General had, he should 
assuredly have died for the same. 1 8 witnesses. 

[Answer.~\ Touching the service done by re- 
moving the ship in the Bay of Cadiz, I have answered 
in the 7th article. And though it please him to set it 
down that it was most undutiful and a very bad part : 
I assure myself of this, that if the driving back of 
those galleys and anchoring in such sort as I did 
there had been his doing, it should have been 
extolled and preferred (as it deserved) before any 
service he did in the voyage, but being my doing, it 
may not be allowed to be called a good service, but 
must be defaced, and I disgraced by him and his 
followers for doing thereof. And as for their opinions 
what they would have done if they had had authority, 
I doubt nothing but some of them would have done 
as they set down, for I think they were the chief 
procurers to further the Admiral's purpose to take 
away my life, as partly may appear by the working 
of Captain Platt and Captain Spindelow with the 
prisoners in the Marshalsea ; for they with threaten- 


ings and persuasions brought those simple men to 
subscribe to a certain bill of articles framed by the 
said Platt and Spindelow against me, much against 
their consciences, as they have since confessed, for 
they know no such matter ; which bill with their 
hands to it was presented and read last of all the 
first day of our hearing before your Honours. When 
they had gotten that bill subscribed, those captains 
said that their General by the same would cause my 
neck to crack, as hath been confessed in writing volun- 
tarily by one of those prisoners named John Drewett, 
a soldier (and will be avouched by divers of them). 
The same writing I have showed to your Honours the 
Commissioners, and by your Honours' order delivered 
it with other likes notes to Sir Francis Drake to 
peruse, which he yet detaineth. By those dealings 
and speeches of the said Platt and Spindelow your 
Honours may see what mind they carry and how in- 
juriously I am dealt with. They imprison, examine, 
threaten, and persuade at their pleasures ; I may 
not seek any revenge, nor dare not as yet use the 
benefit 1 . . . and do ... in speeches and otherwise 
as aforesaid. They seek my life as did those two 
wicked men which by the practice of Jezebel did 
witness against Naboth, whereupon he was stoned 
to death. I may say with David, ' Mine enemies 
revile me all the day long, and they that are mad 
upon me are sworn together against me.' But God 
is ever righteous, who will judge and revenge. 

I hope that your Honours' finding the truth of 
causes bruited out against me to my discredit, 
slander, and defamation to have proceeded only of 
and through the malice conceived in the heart of Sir 
Francis Drake, and not of any just cause or desert 
of my part, will make the same so known to the 
Queen's Majesty that I may receive her Highness's 
1 MS. torn. Two lines illegible. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 185 

favour, such as is due to so faithful and true a 
servant as I am to her Majesty. And so shall I 
pray for the prosperous estate of your Honours in 
health long to endure. W. Borough. 

Pay of the Regular Forces engaged in the Expedition. 


[S.P. Dom. ccv. 55. Copy. Unsigned.] 

Right Honourable my very good Lords, 

I have at sundry times heretofore signified unto 
your Lordships my word and promise concerning 
the pay of such as were with me in the late service 
performed by her Majesty's commandment on the 
coast of Spain and Portugal, &c. 

That which they demand is to be made equal 
with such as served in the merchants' ships ; the 
computation whereof being made, the pay of 770 men 
in her Majesty's three ships and two pinnaces, with 
35<D/. by me disbursed unto certain of the Golden 
Lion's men which came home before, amounteth in 
all to the sum of 8,76o/. 13^. ^d. for their full satis- 
faction, of the which I have taken up of sundry of 
my friends which I remain indebted for, and paid 
unto the aforesaid persons the sum of 7,5oo/., and 
must see the rest accomplished as soon as money 
may be provided for the same. 

Beseeching your Lordships with favour to con- 
sider thereof, not permitting (being in her Majesty's 
service) I bear the burden thereof myself, but that 
the said 8,76o/. 135-. \d. with 3O/. 14.?. ^d. disbursed 
in the Bonaventure at Plymouth before my going to 

1 For this and following papers see note on Naval Pay, 
post, p. 286. 


sea, with also such further consideration as by your 
good Lordships shall be thought meet to bestow 
upon myself towards my great charges and enter- 
tainment, with the promise of i,ooo/. which I 
must give to special captains and men of desert 
which have most valiantly performed the parts of 
good servitors in this action, may be deducted from 
the 5o,ooo/., and the bonds by me and the merchants 
to be made unto her Majesty for the just rest 
remaining. 1 

The Bonaventure . . 250' 

The Rainbow . . .250 

The Dreadnought . . 200x770 men 

The Makeshift . . 35 

The Spy 35, 

These 770 men departed and entered into the sea 
charge the loth of March last and ended their 
service the 2Qth day of June following, which was 
four months after, 28 days to the month, for which 
time I paid nothing, but it was wholly answered by 
Sir Francis Drake, Knight. Written the 28th of 
November, 1587. John Hawkyns. 

The wages of 770 men aforesaid serving four 
months after, 28 days to the month, at 14^. the man 
per mensem, [is 537/. los. and for 4 months it] 2 

1 Drake at this time, finding he was not to be allowed to 
return and complete his work on the coast of Spain, was or- 
ganising a private expedition in secret concert with the Earl of 
Essex. Its precise object was never revealed, but the Govern- 
ment, apparently suspecting a design to force their hands and 
drive them into active hostilities against Spain, demanded 
security for his good behaviour, in bonds to the amount of 
5o,ooo/. It would seem that Hawkyns, as usual, was acting with 
him, and the Treasurer's proposal is that the amount the Govern- 
ment owes him for the pay of the Queen's ships shall be set off in 
part satisfaction of the security demanded. 

2 Inserted in Burghley's hand. 



amounteth to 2,i5o/., as her Majesty doth ordi- 
narily allow, diets of captains, dead shares, and 
rewards in the same accounted. 

The two months' wages which were given of 
her Majesty's reward to the company amounteth to 
i,o75/., so as the whole amounteth to 3,225/. 

The overplus which is required by Sir Francis 
for a further reward to the company which he 
hath paid doth amount unto 6,566/. 7.?. 8^. 

John Hawkyns. 

[Note in Burghleys hand \ ' Total, 9,79i/.'] 


[S.P. Dom. ccv. 53.] 

The rate set down by Sir Francis Drake, 
Knight, for the pay of 770 men serving in three her 
Majesty's ships and two pinnaces under his charge, as 
followeth : 

The rate of the captains and officers 
for land service : 

s d. [' pays ' 

228 o o Anthony Platt, lieutenant- 
general . . . .36 

190 o o John Marchant, sergeant-major . 30 
72 o o John Harges, standard-bearer 12 
Philip Nicolls, preacher . . 12 
Captain Crosse . . .12 
Captain Parker '. . .12 
Thomas Fenner . . .12 
Edward Fenner (Captain). . 12 
Captain Poole (Captain) . . 12 
Captain Spindelow . . .12 


5. d. ['pays'] 

Captain Sydenham . . .12 
63 6 8 Captain Manington . . .10 
38 o o for 10 lieutenants at 6 shares is 60 
25 6 8 for 10 ensigns at 4 shares is . 40 
19 o o for 20 sergeants at 3 shares is . 60 
15 1 6 8 for 40 corporals at 2\ shares is 100 
72 o o William Stallenge . . .12 
50 13 4 John Flower .... 8 
[Total] 464 shares at 61. 6s. Sal. is 2,9387. 13^. ^d. 

The rate for captains, officers, and others, 

for sea service : 

J- d. ['pays'] 

144 o o Thomas Fenner aforesaid, Vice- 

Admiral * . . . .24 
Captain Bellingham, of the 

Rainbow . . . .12 
Captain Bostocke, of the 

Makeshift . . . .12 
Captain Clifford, of the Spy . 1 2 
The 3 masters of her Majesty's 
ships at 8, and the 2 masters 
of the pinnaces at 6, shares 36 
Robert Wignall, pilot in the 

Bonaventure ... 8 
For 667 men, being the rest 

of 770 .... 760 
[Total] 864 at 61. 6s. Sd is 5,47 2/. 
For so much given to certain of the 
Golden Lion's men coming home before . 35O/. 

Sum total, 8,76o/. 135. ^d. 

1 He had probably been appointed Vice- Admiral on 
Borough's dismissal, or he may have been Vice-Admiral of 
Drake's squadron. Bellingham, however, has no flag-rank pay. 
See ante, p. 160 n. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 189 


[S.P. Dom. ccvi. 4.] 

* d. 

There is demanded by Sir Francis 
Drake (as I can remember) by his 
petition the sum of . . . 9,700 o o 

1. Of which there is (as her Majesty 

doth ordinarily pay) four months' 
wages due to the company, being 
770 men at 145. the man per 
mensem (diets, dead shares, and 
rewards in the same accounted) . 2,150 o o 

2. Her Majesty was pleased to give 

in reward to that company two 
months' pay after the same rate, 
which is ..... 1,075 

3. Over and above the wages of six 

months aforesaid paid for the time 

of their four months' service (and 

the two months' reward) Sir 

Francis Drake doth pay the com- 
pany of her Majesty's ships that 

were at the taking of the carrack 

six months' pay (as a further 

reward), which doth amount to . 3,225 o o 
More he doth reward divers of the 

Lion's company which do allege 

that they consented not to the 

bringing away of the ship . . 350 o o 
More he doth require a charge for 

removing the Bonaventure's cook- 
room, &c. the sum of . . . 30 o o 

1 Endorsement. 


s. d. 

6. More he doth allow to officers for 
land service an overplus of a pay 
(as I do note hereafter) so many 
whole pays as doth amount unto 2,736 o o 
Sum . . . 9,566 o o 

The land captains and officers for that purpose : 

Lieutenant-general which hath 

36 pays at 61. is . . . 216 o o 
A sergeant-major, 30 pays at 61. 

is . . . . . 1 80 o o 

Ten land captains, each one 12 

pays, 1 20 at 61. is . . . 720 o o 
Ten lieutenants, each one 6 pays, 

60 at 61. is . . . 360 o o 

Ten ensigns, each one 4 pays, 40 

at 61, is . . . . . 240 o o 
Twenty sergeants, each one 3 

pays, 60 at 61. is . . 360 o o 

Forty corporals, each one i\ pays, 

100 at 61. is . . . . 600 o o 
A muster-master, 6 pays at 61. is. 36 o o 
A clerk of the cheque, 4 pays at 

61. is . . . . 24 o o 

94 officers, 456 pays . . 2,736 o o 
6s. 8d. added to every of these 

pays is * . . . . . 152 o o 

2,888 o o 

These (as I do remember) be the officers, the 
number of pays, and the sum which is required to 
content them ; which being added to the former 

1 This is added in a different hand. It would seem as though 
when the Queen revoked the two months' reward which she had 
ordered, this 6*. &d. was substituted for it. See next page. 



THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 191 

urns demanded doth little more or less make up 
the foresaid sum now demanded of 9,7oo/. As for 

s. d. 

1. First the 4 months' pay due . . 2,150 o o 

2. Next the 2 months' reward allowed 

by her Majesty . . . 1,075 o o 

3. Thirdly 6 months' pay generally as 

a further reward . . . 3,225 o o 

4. Fourthly rewards for the company 

of the Lion .... 350 o o 

5. Fifthly a charge upon the Bona- 

venture . . . . . 30 o o 

6. And lastly the pays to the land 

captains and officers . . . 2,736 o o 
Sum. . . 9,566 o o 
The increase of the pays of 6s. $>d. 

as above is . . . 152 o o 

9,718 o o 

Take out of this sum the reward of 
two months which your Lordship con- 
cluded upon to be abated out of the 
great sum, being 1,0757., then her 
Majesty doth pay for the four months' 
service and all rewards . . . 8,643 
So as the bonds 1 if it please your Lord- 
ship are to be made for . . 41,357 o o 
[Added by Burghley\ . . . 750 o o 

42,107 o o 
[Note in Burghley s hanci\ 

To be repaid to Mr. Hawkyns by Sir Francis Drake, 
For prest money 88/. ] 

To Fenner and Bellingham 5o/. r75O/. 
For wages at Plymouth 6i2/. 

1 See note, p. 186. 




[S.P. Dom. cxcviii. 34.J 

The report of one Hans Frederick with other 
merchants of Danzig, who came from Setuval 2 in 
Portugal and stayed in their hulks in Stokebay, 
coming a-land to Portsmouth the nth of February 

First he saith there is 300 sail of ships stayed in 
South Spain in these ports following, viz. St. Lucar, 
Cadiz, Mary Port, Gibraltar, Velez, 3 Marbella 4 and 
Grand Malaga, 5 with all the ports in theComandancia, 6 
and that divers of their mariners run away, and some 
of them in this fleet of hulks which affirm this news 
to be most true and that all the wines and oils in the 
ports above written be taken to serve the King. 

Also at Lisbon they look every day for a stay, 
and there is much preparation for the service of the 
King made. They have taken up all the victuals in 
every ship that cometh out of Holland or the East 
Countries, 7 both bacon and beef, butter and cheese 
and whatsoever else. 

They have warned all the Easterlings to dis- 
patch their corn out of their storehouses at Lisbon 
by the tenth of March next, for that the houses must 
serve the King for his provision, and by report there 
is the fifth man in Castile mustered to serve the King 
in these affairs. 

Also there came a ship of the Duke of Florence 

1 Endorsement. 2 MS. ' St. Tovall.' 3 MS. ' Veyles.' 
4 MS. ' Marvelles.' 5 MS. < Mallegay.' 

6 That is, the Province of Malaga. MS. has ' comondath.' 

7 Meaning the Hanseatic and other ports in the Baltic. Their 
inhabitants were called Easterlings. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 193 

called the Galleon of Florence to Lisbon about the 
2ist of January last, and the report of all Lisbon is 
that she hath 300 brass pieces to serve the King, 
and 40 last of powder, which is known to be most 
certain, and the same ship also to serve, which hath 
threescore and twp port-pieces mounted in her. 

And further they encourage all strangers whom 
they stay, affirming that the Catholics will yield up 
this realm unto the King without bloodshed. 

[S.P. Dom. cciii. 33.] 

The Report of Gilbert Tyson, who came from 
Lisbon the 3rd of September, being Sunday. 

Since the Marquis his going to the sea 1 , there 
hath come into Lisbon at sundry times new supplies 
of shipping to the number of 90 sail, and daily more 
are expected furnished with munitions and soldiers. 
30 sail forth of the Straits termed galleons. 
4 galleasses, having in every one of them 600 a 

27 sail of hulks and flyboats termed victuallers 

to the fleet. 
14 galleys. 

And the rest of the shipping being smaller 

vessels for divers uses. 
All which fleet being in a readiness about a week 
before the coming away of this party, there was pro- 
clamation made by drum and trumpet upon special 
order from the Court of Spain that all the captains 

1 This refers to the Marquis of Santa Cruz's chase of Drake 
to the Azores in July 1587. 



with their companies should dispatch themselves for 
the Groyne and there to stay the return of the 
Marquis of Sta. Cruz with his fleet and of such other 
further provisions as should daily be sent unto them. 

The purpose they have, as it is commonly given 
forth, is to come for these parts, Ireland, England, or 
Scotland ; but before the prime of the spring they 
will put nothing in execution, bragging to have a 
great day against England, terming it the disturber 
of Christendom and of the Catholic faith. 

A great want of mariners they have, insomuch as 
they enforce Flemings and men of other nations to 
serve them, of whom many upon the proclamation 
made did come away. Divers of them being taken, 
[were] very severely punished and threatened to 
have been hanged. 

The loss of the carrack which Sir Fra. Drake 
did take bred a marvellous grief, and with dread did 
the Marquis depart forth ; for it was given him to 
understand that there were 3 fleets of English men 
of war, Sir Fra. Drake having only the charge of the 
principal fleet. So that it was not feared only but 
certainly resolved upon, that the West Indies fleet 
(notwithstanding the waftage of the Marquis) would 
be intercepted. But about the same time that order 
came from the Court of Spain to dispatch that fleet 
to the Groyne, also came the news that 9 West Indies 
men were arrived at St. Lucar, but the rest of their 
fleet being about 25 or 26 sail more were not heard 
of, for these 9 ships were separated from the others 
by foul weather, and did not at all touch at the Islands, 
neither knew of the Marquis being there. 

There was great joy of the coming of these 
nine ships, and the captains and soldiers made 
therefore a triumph, now expecting Royal payment, 
whereof before they did despair. And for that the 
news was come certain that Sir Fra. Drake was 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 195 

retired home (whom they imagine worketh by a 
familiar) they also confirm themselves in hope of the 
safe arrival of all the rest of the Indies fleet, to the 
King his settled enriching for many years to perform 
his intent withal. 

At the coming away of this party he met with 
4 great ships putting into Lisbon, which he under- 
stood to be Indies men, whether East or West he 
knew not. 

The King about two months past was sick of 
his old disease, aches in the bones, but thereof now 
he is again recovered. 

Thus much he affirmeth to be true, and will be 
ready to verify the same, for that he was an eye 

[S.P. Dom. cciii. 52.] 

Anthony Wheatly, mariner, being examined by 
William Waad, one of the clerks of the Council, 
the 25th day of September, 1587, confesseth as 

He went from hence five years sithence in a 
ship called the Margaret Bonaventure with one John 
Vassel, master of the same ship, bound for Leghorn 1 
and Genoa, returning back to Mutterell, 2 unloaded 
there, and from thence went to Cadiz, where this 
examinate demanding his duties was denied the same 
by the same Vassel, where by the procurement of 
one John Baptist, an Italian, this examinate was taken 
to serve the King of Spain and went with the said 
Baptist to the Islands, where he continued against 

1 MS. ' Lygorne,' for Livorno. 

2 Perhaps ' Martorell,' near Barcelona. 

O 2 


his will ever since the Islands were taken, 1 having 
oftentimes demanded passport for to return into 
England, which till of late he could never obtain. 

In which Islands he saith he was accused by two 
Spaniards and a Portingall that he had received 
letters from Sir Francis Drake, and was by that 
means imprisoned in a dungeon eleven days, where 
upon his examination the rack was laid before him, 
and in the end finding no cause against him was 
released to his former charge. 

And not long after his release out of prison, 
perceiving that the King of Spain pretended wars 
against England, he got his reckoning made up and 
procured a passport from his captain and so came to 
Lisbon, where he demanded his wages of the 
Marquis de Sta. Cruz, and by his Secretary, to whom 
he gave twenty ducats to further his suit, he received 
of the Marquis a hundred ducats, and hearing of 
a Portugal ship bound for Flanders and Danzig 
.did therein embark himself and by contrary wind 
driven into England here arrived, the said ship 
lying at this present at Blackwall. 

He came from Lisbon the 25th of July last. 2 

This examinate further declareth that at his 
coming from thence the Marquis de Sta. Cruz was 
bound out with a fleet of ships, viz. 14 galleons, 13 
belonging to the King of Portugal, the other to the 
Duke of Florence. 

The names of some which he knew are these : the 
galleon St. Martin, who is Admiral, wherein goeth 
the Marquis himself, of burthen 1,000 tons, who 
(they say) hath 90 pieces of ordnance. 

The St. John, being of the same burthen. 

The St. Mark, of 700. 

1 Referring to the reduction of the Azores by Santa Cruz in 

J This sentence is written in the margin by another hand. 


THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 197 

The galleon of the Duke of Florence, of burthen 

The rest, as he heard, of burthen some 400, some 
300, and the least of them 250. The other of the 
fleet being Biscayans, 1 some great, some small, which 
are very well appointed and manned, in all fifty sails 
ready to go away, as they say, for the Islands to 
meet the fleet that cometh from the Indies. 

He further heard that at Cadiz there were four 
galleasses which came from Naples determined to 
meet the Marquis at sea and to accompany him ; 
and words used in Lisbon that 14,000 Italians 
should come from Italy for Spain, and as the 
common voice goeth there, determined to make an 
army for England. 

[S.P. Dom. cciv. 2. Holograph in Burghley's hand.] 

October 3, 1587. 

To be considered : 

That presently Tippet be sent to the seas with 
the pinnace wherewith he lately returned, and that 
he be instructed by the Lord Admiral or Sir Francis 
Drake how to discover whether any preparations be 
made of shipping for the wars at the Groyne, or in 
any port of Biscay, and to return with speed to 
advertise what he shall have discovered. 

The Lord Admiral and the Officers : That the 
Queen's whole Navy be put in readiness and all 
necessaries provided for their rigging. 

Letters from the Council in the Queen's name to 
all Vice- Admirals : That a general stay be made in 
all ports of all ships, that none may pass to cross 

1 MS. ' byskynnes.' 


the seas, until further order be directed, and that 
all owners of any ships that may serve on the seas 
to join with the Queen's Majesty's Navy, may be 
required to repair their ships that they may be ready 
to serve upon commandment. 

Letters from the Council to all the Lieutenants : 
That a charge be sent to all the Lieutenants, as well 
within land as on the sea coasts, to review the forces 
to be in readiness and all things heretofore prescribed 
to them for the arraying, arming, and enabling the 
forces of the country to be ready upon all occasions 
to serve against the attempt of any enemy. 

From her Majesty : That letters be written to 
the Earl of Leicester, to signify the intelligence that 
her Majesty [hath] of the great preparations in 
Spain by sea, with likelihood to offend her Majesty, 
or otherwise to come into the Low Countries ; and 
thereupon that his Lordship may deal with the 
States for to prepare a navy of some good strength 
to join with her Majesty's Navy according to the 
compact made by them with her Majesty, and to 
advertise what number of ships and men her Majesty 
may look for to join with hers, and to hasten the 
said shipping. 

Mr. Secretary : To use some means to under- 
stand the preparations of the Duke of Parma's 
shipping in Antwerp and Flanders. 

From Mr. Secretary : To have a collection 
made of all the forces that this last year were 
ordered to be in readiness as well within land as on 
the sea coast, so as her Majesty may thereof be 
advertised and their defects remedied. 

From Mr. Secretary : To have a register ot 
the names of all recusants, that are men of posses- 
sions in every shire of the realm, that there be such 
order taken with them, as they may do no harm, 
nor be any comfort to the enemy. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 199 

That the goods taken by Sir Francis Drake in the 
Philip of Spain may be speedily sorted and perfect 
books thereof [prepared], and thereupon advice may 
be taken how those commodities may be best sold for 
ready money, so as her Majesty may employ her 
portion for the arming of her Navy, and the mer- 
chants and other adventurers may also employ their 
portions to the discharge of their former shipping 
and also to arm their shipping newly to the seas to 
join with her Majesty's Navy. 

That Sir Francis Drake yield up his account for 
this last voyage ; and Mr. Hawkyns, that her Majesty 
may be duly informed what profit may be looked 
for by that voyage. 

The account also of Sir Francis Drake for the 
voyage of Cartagena would be seen and information 
given to her Majesty what the gain or loss may be 
of that voyage. 1 

The prize brought home by Sir Wm. Wynter's 
galley, sent by her Majesty with advice to Sir 
Francis Drake, to be considered of what value the 
same was, that the gain rising above the charge may 
be answered to her Majesty and the adventurers in 
this last voyage. 2 

For Ireland : That the Lord Deputy be ad- 
vertised of the intelligences agreeable with those 
that were sent by him out of Ireland concerning 
the great preparations in Spain, and that he be 
advised to do his best to put such forces as may be 
levied to be ready upon the south sea-coast and 
that he cause as many horsemen as can be gotten 
to serve upon the places suspected for landing. 
That all persons of Irish birth dwelling near the 
sea-coast, that may be suspected, be removed in- 
wardly into the towns and to be deprived of their 

1 See ante, p. 86. 2 See ante, p. 102 n.. 


That the Lord Deputy may understand that her 
Majesty meaneth to have a Navy both of her own 
ships and of her realm to be upon the seas to im- 
peach the landing of the enemy. 

That all men of service having entertainment in 
Ireland may be commanded to repair to their places 
of service. 



[S.P. Dom. ccii. 53. Signed.] 

A note or inventory of a small casket with divers 
jewels viewed by us in the Town of Saltash the nth 
of July, 1587, containing as followeth : 

Six forks of gold. 

Twelve hafts of gold for knives, to say, six of 

one sort and six of another. 
One chain of gold with long links and hooks. 
One chain of gold with a tablet having a picture 

of Christ in gold. 
One chain with a tablet of crystal and a cross of 

One chain of gold of ' Esses ' with four diamonds 

and four rubies set in a tablet. 
One chain of small beadstones of gold. 
One small chain of gold with rough links and a 

tablet hanging unto it with the picture of 

Christ and our Lady. 
Two pendants of gold for the ears. 
Three bracelets of gold each with a cross of 

sundry fashion. 

A girdle of crystal garnished with gold. 
A pair of beads of benjamin garnished with 


THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 201 

Three rings of gold with stones. 

One round hoop of gold enamelled with black. 

One small ring of gold with a pearl. 

Three heads and three rings of gold for walking 


One bowl of gold and six spoons of gold. 
Two pomanders, the one with a small chain of 

gold and garnished with gold. 
One pomander garnished with gold and a pearl 

hanging to the same. 
One small box with some musk in it. 
A certain quantity in pieces of ambergris. 1 
One hundred eighty and nine small stones which 

we esteem to be garnets. 
Thirty-nine agates small and great. 
Eleven other stones of a green colour with spots 

of red. 

One blood stone. 
One white cloth in the which there goeth divers 

small stones thought to be of small value. 

The said casket garnished with gold with two 
keys and a small chain of gold to the same. 

The which casket and jewels before rehearsed, 
Sir Francis Drake hath taken charge to deliver unto 
her Majesty with his own hands at this present. 

John Gilberte, Edwa. Carye, 
Thomas Gorges, John Hawkyns, 
Fra. Godolphin, Henry Billingsley. 

1 MS. ' amber greece.' 


[S.P. Dom. cciv. 8. Original, signed. 1 ] 

A brief inventory of such things as have been taken 
out of [ ] chests and 39 packages : 

6,573 pieces of unstarched calico, at > 

i$s. ^d, a piece . . . 4,382 o o 

1,022 pieces of broad unstarched cali- 
coes, at 2os. a piece . . 1,022 o o 

2,778 pieces of calico in papers sound, 

at 1 35. ^d. a piece . . 1,852 o o 

1,452 pieces of calico lawns sound, 

at 2os. a piece . . . 1,452 o o 

1,705 pieces of coarse unstarched 

calicoes whole at qs. piece . 767 5 o 

7,423 pieces of coarse calicoes of 3 to 

1 , at 35-. the piece . . .1,11390 
1,162 pieces of coarse calicoes of 3 to 

2, at 6s. the piece . . . 348 12 o 
418 pieces of coarse calico towels, 

at i2d. the piece . . . 20 18 o 
410 pieces of pintados, 2 at 3^. the 

piece, amounteth to . . 61 10 o 
98 pieces of calico diapers for cup- 
board 3 cloths, at 45. piece . 19 12 o 
14 pieces of fine calico called cane- 
kens, 4 unstarched, at [20.?.] . 14 o o 
4 pieces of fine calico called cane- 
kens, starched, at [20^.]. . 400 
780 bundles of China silk raw and 

sound, at nos. . . . 4,290 o o 

1 No. 9 in the same volume is a duplicate, also signed, but in 
slightly different wording. 

2 Coloured cotton cloth. 3 MS. ' cubbard.' 
4 ' Callikens ' in the duplicate. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 203 

90 pieces of stitched calico cloth, > s - d - 

alias Boulter, at $s. piece . 22 10 o 
214 pieces of coloured 1 buckrams, at 

2 s. the piece . . . . 2180 
72 pieces of coloured 1 Cyprus, 2 

sound, at 6s. %d. piece . . 24 o o 
4 quilts of calico, at 2os. a piece 

is . .... 400 

12 calico carpets of sundry sorts 

and values, at . . . 50 o o 

10 striped coarse carpets of another 

sort, at 5-y. piece . . . 2 10 o 

47 pieces of coloured 3 taffetas sar- 
senet, 4 at 35. 4</. piece . . 7168 

11 pieces of changeable Boratos, 

at 4os. the piece . . . 22 o o 
i quilt of sarsenet, at 305. the 

piece, is . . . . i 10 o 
49 pieces of white sarsenet, sound, 

at 30.?. piece .... 73 10 o 

1^,576 io~~8 

Tainted merchandise follows : 

40 bundles China silk, at $os. the 

bundle . . . . 60 o o 

1,105 pieces of starched calico of the 
best sort 

1 MS. 'cullers.' Duplicate 'cullerd.' 

' 2 MS. ' Sypres.' Cyprus was a thin transparent stuff, usually 
black, a kind of crape. 

3 MS. ' collers.' 

4 Taffeta at this time meant plain silk goods. Taffeta sarsenet 
was probably a mixture of wool and silk, such as is now called 
taffeta. Sarsenet was strictly a cloth made by Saracens. The 
duplicate has ' tinsell taffytas.' 

5 Probably reversible barrado that is, stuff dyed in stripes or 
bars. MS. in the duplicate has 'changable silke and chenell 


338 pieces of starched calico of the s - d - 

second sort 
298 pieces of starched calico of the 

third sort 
150 pieces of unstarched calico of 

the best sort 

5 pieces of unstarched calico of 

the second sort 

in all 1,896 pieces, at 6s. 8d. a piece, 
one with the other . . . 632 o o 

215 pieces of calico lawns of the 

best sort 
58 pieces of calico lawns of the 

second sort 
25 pieces of calico lawns of the 

third sort 

298 pieces at IDS. piece . . . 149 o o 
67 pieces of calicoes in papers, at 

6s. 8d. a paper . . . 2268 
44 pieces of coloured Ciprus at 

2s. a piece . . . . 480 

6 pieces of coloured taffetas, at 

2s. a piece . . . . 0120 

29 pieces of white sarsenet, at 

i$s. ^d. a piece . . . 19 6 8 

887 13 4 

[Spices. ~\ 

420 bales of indigo blue, at 36/. a 

bale . . . . . 15,120 o o 
after 35. Ib. 330 tons of dry pepper by 

estimation as by the invoice 

appeareth, being! parts thereof 

at I3O/. the ton . . . 42,900 o o 
after 20^. Ib. 124 tons of wet pepper 

by estimation, at 7O/. the ton 8,680 o o 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 205 

after $s. Ib. 218 quintals of cinnamon, > s - d - 

at 2 8/. the quintal l . . 6,104 
4s. Ib. 105 quintals of cloves, at 

2O/. the quintal l . . . 2,100 o o 
6 chests of mace, esteemed 3OO/. 

a piece, at 6s. &d. the Ib. . 600 o o 
20 hundredweight of benjamin, 2 at 

28/. the cwt. .... 500 o o 

Sum total of this page . . 92,528 4 o 

[Goods unsold at Saltash^\ 

3 pipes of China, esteemed at 

ioo/. a pipe, pz. 3 600 a piece 300 o o 

70 quintals of lacry, 4 at 4/. a quintal 280 o o 

1 5 pipes of saltpetre, at 3O/. a pipe 450 o o 

2 pipes of wax, pz. 1 2 cwt. at 4O/. 40 o o 

2 pipes of nutmegs, pz, 10 cwt. at 

3.?. the Ib. . . . 1 50 o o 

80 tons of ebony by estimation in 

3, 560 ends, at io/. a ton . 800 o o 
6 chests of China silk not viewed, 
sold to John Gills, esteemed 
worth ..... 1,200 o o 
In divers drugs and other odd 
things not written . . ioo o o 

Goods left to sell at Saltash . 3,320 o .o 

[Goods sold at Saltask.~\ 

39^ tons of pepper, esteemed at 

i3O/. the ton . . . 5,135 o o 
19 cwt. of cinnamon, at 2 8/. the cwt. 532 o o 

1 MS. 'kyntall,' a Spanish weight of ioo Ibs. 

2 Gum benjamin, a concrete resinous juice obtained from 
styrax benzoin, a tree of Sumatra, and used for perfumes, 
incense, &c. 

3 ' pezante,' weighing. 4 Probably ' lacquer.' 

206 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

i chest of maces, pz. net 320, s - d - 

at 6s. 8d. the Ib. . . . 100 o o 
1 2 cwt. of cloves rated at 2O/. the 

cwt. is . . . . . 240 o o 
1 1 cwt. of indigo blue at 3O/. the 

cwt. is . . . . . 330 o o 

Wares sold at Saltash . . 6,337 

Summary by the Commissioners. 

In sundry parcels amounting in 

gross to ..... 5,864 9 ii 

Sum of the former page . . . 92,528 4 o 

More of the upper sum . . . 3,320 o o 

More of the second sum . . . 6,337 o o 

108,049 13 ii 

Fra. Drake, Thomas Gorges, 

Edwa. Carye, Henry Billingsley, 
William Garway, Thomas Cordell, 
Alexander Every, Paul Bayninge, 
Hugh Lee. l 

1 The last three were Merchant adventurers. See agreement 
ante, p. 105. 



[Add. MS. 9294, f. 60. Signed.] 

IT may please your Lordship I have some under- 
standing of the conditions that John Hawkyns 
requireth should pass between the Queen's Majesty 
and him touching the bargain that he offereth at this 
time unto her Highness, your Lordship, and other my 
good Lords of her Majesty's Privy Council, for the 
joining the ordinary and extraordinary together, 
which truly doth carry a show of good and accept- 
able service ; but I am sorry to speak it (as I desire 
comfort at God's hands) there is nothing in it but 
cunning and craft to maintain his pride and ambition, 
and for the better filling of his purse, and to keep 
back from discovering the faults that are left in her 
Majesty's ships at this day which should have been 

1 See further on this subject, Oppenheim, Administration of 
the Royal Navy, App. C, and Laughton, Defeat of the Armada, 
i- 34-7. 38-44, 77, 79> 87, 273 ; ii. 266-7. 

2 As 'Surveyor of the Ships.' 


perfected by the bargain made between her Majesty 
and the two shipwrights Pett and Baker (wherein 
Hawkyns was an invisible partner). What was 
promised should be performed by that bargain, 
your Lordship I doubt not doth remember, and so 
do I, Holstok and Christopher Baker, howsoever 
their indentures were penned by John Hawkyns and 
such as he pleased to call unto him for the doing 
thereof. And albeit that the Queen's Majesty hath 
disbursed in clouds the sum of i,5OO/. per estima- 
tion over and besides the yearly sum of a thousand 
pounds allowed them for the ordinary, which the said 
carpenters should in truth have laid out, yet what 
faults remaineth in the Navy the thing will show 
itself (if plain dealing be not suppressed) ; which 
matter I speak not to flatter you. By the living 
God I see your Lordship doth as a most faithful 
servant and councillor to her Majesty go about to 
withstand as near as you can ; for were you not 
another Ulysses that hath tied yourself to the main- 
mast, this mermaid Hawkyns would draw you over- 
board as he hath done your better, 1 your equals and 
inferiors. For he careth not to whom he speaketh, 
nor what he saith ; blush he will not. Your 
Lordship, if it will please you to call to remembrance, 
you did hear both him and Peter Pett at their and 
my late being before your Lordship, with what 
execrations and what pains they would suffer if there 
were any rotten timbers now left in the Hope being 
in the dock at Deptford. Which speeches had been 
sufficient to have persuaded you, a man of hard 
belief, much more a good meaning person to have 
given them credit, but for proof to the contrary. It 
may like your Lordship, I and other my fellows 
were appointed by Mr. Hawkyns to come to Dept- 
ford yesterday last to confer about an estimate that 
1 Meaning, of course, the Queen. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 209 

should be made for the chain and other matters 
concerning the shutting of the River against Upnor 
Castle, which chain I am of opinion will be a great 
charge to small purpose. 1 So that at our coming 
thither finding him not at home but attending at the 
Court, I went in the meantime aboard the said ship, 
where I found great store of rotten dust, and upon 
demand made to a carpenter there working, from 
whence the same rottenness come ? He answered me 
so faintly that I doubted some imperfection, and 
therefore thought good to cause him to pull off part 
of the bad plaster that he had laid on to cover that 
sore ; which being open (a matter of 4 or 5 foot in 
length) there did appear 4 or 5 timbers whereof 3 
were rotten (I would to God these were all), which 
after were seen by Mr. Borough and others, whom 
I called unto it. This being true as nothing is 
more, I leave to your honorable judgment what 
credit these fellows are of. I most humbly pray 
your Lordship that it might please you not to think 
that I do this of stomach or of malice, but only in 
discharge of my duty to her Highness in respect of 
my office and allegiance ; the which proceedings of 
mine, if it shall not seem good to her Majesty to 
allow of, I can and must be contented to rest silent, 
hoping that whatsoever thereby shall happen here- 
after I shall be excused. And truly, my Lord, I am 
utterly tired with these brabbles, 2 for were it not 
that I have been desirous that her Highness should 
be well served, albeit it is given out by Mr. 
Hawkyns that her Highness is in misliking with me, 
which I trust to God I have not deserved, nor never 
will. Her Majesty had not had but a few of her 
own ships in good state to serve at this day, as I 

1 The Council had wind of a plot to burn the ships at their 
moorings. (S.P. Dom. clxxvii. 26, 31, 32.) 

2 A petty quarrel. Halliwell and Wright. 


can make it probable. 1 And thus fearing, my Lord, 
I have been too tedious, I leave, praying heartily to 
God to send you long life and good health. Written 
from East Smithfield, being not very well, the 8th 
of April, 1585. 

Your honorable Lordship to command, 



Hawkynss Proposal as to the Navy Estimates in 
Time of War 

[S.P. Dom. ccii. 35. Signed copy, ibid. 36.] 

The state and manner how her Majesty's ships 
have been continued and ordered since the eleventh 
year of her Majesty's reign, viz. : 

[I.] How it was in time past. 

First there was allowed and paid by warrant 
dormant 5.7H/. yearly, for which sum there was 
performed these things following : 

The wages of the shipkeepers. 

The ransacking and keeping of the ships in 
harbour till they come to be new built or dry 

The grounding of the said ships as was fit for 
them, and as their time came about to continue 
them in harbour, some in three years, some in 
two years, and others of the lesser sort once 
a year. For this service aforesaid all kind 
of ironwork and stuff was provided. 

The mooring of the ships in harbour. 

1 The protasis of the sentence is omitted. Some such words 
as ' if it had not been for my care and loyalty ' should be added. 

2 Wynter subsequently changed his opinion on Hawkyns 
entirely (see post}, and then resumed his old hostility. {Defeat 
of tJie Armada, pp. 266-8.) 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 211 

The wages of the gunners in Upnor Castle. 
The wages of clerks, &c., keepers of the plugs ' 
at Chatham, Deptford, Woolwich, and Ports- 
The fees of shipwrights, porters, messengers, 

and such like. 
The rent for storehouses. 
Fees for keeping of houses at Woolwich and 

Repairing of houses at Deptford, Woolwich, 

Chatham, and Portsmouth. 
The watch at Chatham and Deptford. 
All this aforesaid hath been borne upon the old 
Ordinary Warrant abovesaid of 5,71 4/. yearly. 

There was also besides this (communists annis] 
an Extraordinary Charge which passed by warrant 
from her Majesty for the new building and repairing 
of ships in dry docks to the sum of 2,5OO/. yearly. 

This whole charge for the purposes aforesaid 
from the year of 1568 unto the year of 1579 was 
8,2i4/. yearly. 

[II.] How it is now. 

Then followed the agreement" with John 
Hawkyns in 1579. And since that time the 
Ordinary abovesaid and the Extraordinary charge of 
repairing and new reforming of the ships in dry 
docks hath been maintained only upon the charge 
of the first Ordinary Warrant of 5,7i4/. yearly. 

The Navy is now greatly increased, for which it 
is fit an Ordinary be considered of for their main- 

The sea service by mean of this troublesome 
time doth greatly increase charge and business. So 

1 Probably refers to the dry docks at these places. 

2 For the terms of this agreement under which the Treasurer 
of the Navy contracted to keep the Queen's ships ready for 
immediate mobilisation, see Defeat of 'the Armada, i. 34. 

P 2 


as it is impossible for any one man to answer the 
office of Treasurer and to take this care. 

Sir William Wynter and the rest of the 
Officers of the Navy having substantially considered 
with my Lord Admiral, do and will endeavour 
themselves and are most desirous to ease her 
Majesty's charge, and to do it in such sort as the 
Navy and provisions thereunto belonging be surely 
and sufficiently provided for all service. And 
withal to take such substantial care as her Majesty 
be not overcharged, whereby her Highness shall 
be encouraged to continue and maintain the said 
Navy in forcible and ready order for the defence of 
her Majesty and our country. 

[III.] How it may be. 

Therefore my opinion is as followeth : That it 
may please her Majesty to appoint certain of her 
Council and some others to join with my Lord 
Admiral in commission to see how this charge may 
be settled, and a new Warrant Dormant made for 
such a sum as should be by them determined. 

In the end of which warrant there would be 
such a clause made as was in the last bargain 
with Mr. Baeshe, 1 that what charge should exceed 
above the Warrant Dormant (and reason showed 
under the hands of the Lord Admiral and three 
others of the officers of the Lord Treasurer) ; 
thereupon at the year's end such overplus should 
be paid to the Treasurer of the Navy without 
any other warrant to be procured from her Majesty 
for the same. 

And for that divers disorders have been in the 
carpentry, the provisions appertaining to the rig- 
ging, and the powder and furniture of artillery had 
out of the Tower, wherein, by the great purloin- 
ing and waste of the provisions appertaining to 
1 Surveyor of the Victuals. 


those matters aforesaid, her Majesty hath been 
greatly burdened and overcharged, this, in duty 
if it may stand with the consideration and liking 
of the Commissioners : That during these times of 
service I think it would be meet there were a 
provost-marshal attendant upon the Lord Admiral 
and Office of the Navy to do such present execu- 
tion aboard the ships upon the offenders as should 
be appointed and adjudged by the said Lord 
Admiral and the Officers of the Navy according to 
the quality of the offence committed. 

When it shall please God to send a quiet time 
then the said Commissioners may have order to 
compound a certainty of her Majesty's charge of all 
manner of expense belonging to the Navy. And so 
divide it to the charge of few or such number of 
persons as shall be by them thought meet for her 
Highness's profit and safety. 

27 June, 1587. 



Anonymous allegation of Reasons for rejecting 
Hawkynss Proposals 1 

[S.P. Dom. cciv. 17.] 

Articles wherein may appear her Majesty to be 
abused and Mr. Hawkyns greatly enriched. 

i . First, his bargain is not performed in building 
her Majesty's ships in time convenient as their state 
required, but hath sparingly passed them over from 
year to year, and so are they brought to their last 
end, and dangerous state, and he now, in revoking 

1 Perhaps by Thos. Alleyn. See post, p. 216 ., and espe- 
cially the complaint about cordage in article 7. 


his bargain, shall leave her Majesty a great charge 
to renew them, and himself go away with no small 

2. Item, [for] all such ships as hath been docked 
or repaired in the time of his bargain he had such 
allowance as hath borne the greatest part of his 
charge, yet not known to her Majesty because he 
hath taken upon him to discharge the same out of 
the yearly warrant of 5,7i4/. Let it be duly con- 
sidered, and accordingly examined, and it shall be 
proved that her Majesty was never so much over- 
charged, the navy more slenderly [re]garded, ! and a 
subject so enriched. 

3. Item, the shipwrights are his instruments to 
serve his purpose and cloaks for his dissembling 
excuses, to bear the name of all such bargains, as is 
made by his policy, over to the shipwrights, and 
then he to take it from them, and reap the benefit of 
the travail, and they to stand to his reward. So is 
her Majesty overcharged, the shipwrights overruled, 
and he greatly enriched. 

4. Item, he useth her Majesty's commission for 
his private commodity, disposing great quantity of 
timber into sugar chests, and vendeth 2 the same for 
Barbary. Besides in all other his private buildings, 
be it in making new ships or repairing of old, he 
hath the benefit of the commission, using Richard 
Chapman's yard for that purpose to their great 

5. Item, he taketh great exactions of her 
Majesty, in the providing of masts, timber, planks, 
boards, &c., such as is used in sea service and other 
extraordinary works, as is not incident to his 
bargain, wherein her Majesty is overcharged, the 
stuff imperfect, but he enriched. 

6. Item, he endangereth the state of the navy 

1 Flaw in paper. 2 MS. ' Venteth.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1685-7 215 

hasteneth the decay of the same by using filthy 
and rotten oakum, and spareth all such cables as 
hath been accustomed to be disposed to the use of 
good oakum ; and now are the same cables converted 
into ropes again, and sold oftentimes in place of new 
ropes, to the deceiving of many, her subjects ; and 
suspected it is that there cometh into the storehouse 
[some] of the same. So is there a marvellous profit 
yearly made of the moorings and overmuch gain. 

7. Item, the great quantity of cordage and 
canvas that is delivered into her Majesty's store- 
house bringeth profit and great gain, being bought 
at one price and set down at a greater ; and often- 
times Boston ropes and Lynn ropes shall bear the 
names of Danzig and Melvine l ropes, whereby her 
Majesty is not only deceived, but men and ships 
endangered, yet he enriched. 

8. Item, to consider the great supplies that daily 
is required and goeth out for the wastes at the seas, 
and the small quantity that returneth to her Majesty's 
benefit. Again, the dead pays and remains of vic- 
tuals, &c., is an unknown gain. 

The premises considered, it cannot be but Mr. 
Hawkyns his state is such as he may very well put 
her Majesty's ships in such order as he found them, 
though he were to build two or three of them all 
new, specially those two which were lately at the 
seas, whose imperfections must needs be relieved 
before they can answer any service. This he may 
do and go a gainer away. 

1 ? Memel. 



Memorial exposing the Abuses of the Official 
Contract System 1 

[S.P. Dom. cciv. 16.] 

Certain articles to be delivered to her Majesty, very 
good to be amended by her Majesty. 

First, that it is not convenient that he who is 
her Majesty's Treasurer should buy or provide 
any commodity for her Majesty's navy, with her 
Majesty's money, nor play the merchant to buy and 
sell to others, for by this means her Majesty shall 
have the remainder when the best is sold, and at a 
dear price. 

Secondly, it is very unmeet for her Majesty's 
profit that those her Highness's officers shall be any 
builders of ships, or setters forth of any ships to sea, 

1 Endorsed in Burghley's hand ' by Thos. Alley n.' This 
man, who was ' Queen's Merchant ' for Dantzig cordage, is 
probably mainly responsible for the slanders against Hawkyns. 
This was not the first of them. As far back as 1572 he com- 
plained to Burghley that since 'the restraint at Dantzig three 
years past ' he had set up a rope manufactory at home, but now 
could get no orders from the Navy. ' They in the City,' he says, 
' have given him over, and appointed others to serve and take 
into the Queen's storehouse such stuff and other provision, 
which he may not dispraise, but yet not worthy to come into 
that house, delivered by Mr. Hawkyns and the Muscovy House.' 
Here is obviously the origin of his enmity to Hawkyns. (See 
Hatfield Papers, ii. 37.) Later on Alleyn became a treasurer of 
Frobiser's North-West ventures, and was accused by the admiral 
of malversation. (See Alleyn to Sir Lionel Ducket, S.P, Dom. 
cxxix. 9, 13 Jan. 1579.) But he seems to have succeeded in 
throwing the whole blame on Michael Lock. (Ibid, cxlix. 42.) 
In 1581 he was importing hemp and other Baltic stores from the 
newly opened port of Narva (ibid. 77), and at this time probably 
was anxious to resume his old employment of supplying such 
stores to the Navy. See also Defeat of Armada, i. 95 . 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 217 

but only her Majesty's ships, or to provide any 
commodity for them, because all her Majesty's pro- 
visions is at their commandment, to deliver and to 
send where they will and to whom. 

Thirdly, it is not convenient that her Highness's 
officers shall have any partners with any, and 
especially not with him who is appointed to provide 
her Majesty's provisions, for there is danger, &c. 

Fourthly, it is very unconvenient that her 
Majesty's officers should provide all things for her 
navy, because they are appointed to give order to 
them who it shall please her Majesty to appoint to 
make provision, and when it cometh they are to see 
whether it be good and sufficient to serve her 
Majesty or no, or else to refuse it ; and it be good, 
then they are to set a reasonable price in conscience 
between her Majesty and her merchant, but [this] if 
it be their own, and of their own providing, they 
will hardly do, for their conscience will not serve them. 

Fifthly, this must needs be a very good office 
and will quickly make one rich, and their conscience 
be open to have the providing of all things for her 
Majesty's navy, then to make his own price (be it 
good or bad, none to control them), then to pay 
themselves. What can be more desired of him that 
is covetous, or doth not mean to deal truly with her 
Majesty ? 

Sixthly, if they neither fear God nor mean not 
to do right to her Majesty, yet let them take heed 
of her Majesty's laws, that the cry of the poor and 
rich be not revenged by God. For there is a statute 
that what officer soever he be that hath a commis- 
sion from her Majesty, to provide anything for her 
Majesty's use, and do take it up by her Majesty's 
commission, and doth sell the same again, or any 
part thereof, to his own profit, it is felony. This 
statute is in vain, never executed. 


Seventhly, and last, and most to be regarded, 
that good order may be taken for it to have all your 
provision to come first into your Majesty's store- 
houses, where it ought to come. Then he that hath 
the keeping thereof to be charged therewith, and 
once a year, or more and need be, to give account 
what he hath received, and to whom he hath deli- 
vered it, and how much remaineth. Let the remainder 
be seen, which remainder and that which is delivered 
must agree with your merchant's book who deli- 
vered it first into your Majesty's storehouse ; so thus 
far your Majesty can have no wrong if they do 

But yet there is one thing more to be con- 
sidered of, whereof I cannot write. 1 


The same, with a Personal Attack on Hawkyns 
[S.P. Dom. cciv. 18.] 

Certain articles and orders meet to be used and ordered 
touching the Queen's Majesty's navy beneficial for her 
Majesty, as hereafter follow eth : 

First, that it is not convenient that he who is 
her Majesty's treasurer should buy or provide any 
commodities for her Majesty's navy nor play the 
merchant to buy and sell to all men, to his own gain, 
and with her Majesty's own money, for by those 
means her Majesty shall have the remainder when 
the best is sold, and yet at a dear price. 

1 The following document shows he is hinting at some 
charges of personal dishonesty against Hawkyns. Read with 
No. VI. it shows that the anonymous author was the holder of a 
monopoly in connection with naval stores, which had become less 
profitable than it was before the making of Hawkyns's contract. 


THE SPANISH IV A R 1585-7 219 

It is very unmeet for her Majesty's profit that 
those her Highness's officers shall beany builders or 
setters out of ships, or partners with any that doth 
build or set out ships to sea, but only her Majesty's 
own ships, because all her Majesty's provision is at 
their commandment, to deliver and to send where 
and to whom they will. 

It is not convenient that her Majesty's officers 
shall provide all things for her Majesty's navy, be- 
cause they are appointed to give order to them who 
it shall please her Majesty to appoint, to make her 
provision for the navy, nor be partner with him, be- 
cause they are appointed by her Majesty to see if 
the provision be good and sufficient to serve her 
Majesty or no or else to refuse it, but and it be good, 
then they are to set a reasonable price between her 
Majesty and her Majesty's merchant. But if it 
should be their own in part or in all, their consciences 
will hardly suffer them to hurt themselves, as they 
have and will do to the merchant when they have no 

This must needs be a very good office and will 
quickly make one rich, and their consciences be open 
to have the providing of all things for her Majesty's 
navy, then to make their own prices (be it good or 
bad, none to control them), then to pay themselves. 
What can be more desired of him that is covetous, or 
doth not mean to deal truly with her Majesty ? 

He hath divers other filches l to gain besides 
these, wherein hegaineth very much by every artificer 
that serveth her Majesty, yea not so much as the 
poor flag and pendant maker is taken from them. 
Hawkyns's wife and maids must make them.' 2 That 
all is too little for him. He crieth out, he is undone, 

1 MS. ffelches. 

2 The writer's feelings seem here to have got the better of his 
grammar. His meaning, however, is vaguely apparent. 


a beggar ! when he causeth many a poor man to 
beg ; and if he should continue long, he would undo 
many a poor artificer as Pett and Baker 1 can well 

If he or they neither fear God nor mean to do 
right to her Majesty, yet let them take heed of her 
Majesty's laws, that the cry of the poor and rich 
both be not revenged of God on him. For there is a 
statute that what officer soever he be that hath a 
commission from her Majesty to provide anything 
for her Majesty's use, and do take it up by her 
Majesty's commission, and doth sell the same again, 
or any part thereof, to his own profit, it is felony. 
This statute is in vain, never executed. 

This article is most to be regarded, and good order 
to be taken for it, which is to have all your Majesty's 
provision to come first into your Majesty's store- 
houses, where it ought to come. Then your keeper 
of your storehouses to be charged therewith, and 
once a year, or more if need be, to give account 
what he hath received and of whom, and how much 
he hath delivered, and to whom it is delivered, and 
how much remaineth. Let the remainder be known, 
and that which is delivered must needs agree with 
your merchant's books who delivered it first into the 
storehouse, so this being found true, your Majesty 
hath no wrong. 

Now that which is delivered being known to 
what ships, either to the seas or else in harbour, 
there had need to be a special honest and true 
officer, for that purpose only, to see and to receive 
in a storehouse therefore appointed all the re- 

1 Pett and Baker, as the chief shipwrights to the Admiralty, 
were naturally hostile to Hawkyns. The contract system placed 
them entirely and directly under his control, and he, no doubt, 
for his own sake, cut down their profits and perquisites as low 
as possible. See, however, below (p. 231) their repudiation of 
any hostility towards him on these grounds. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 221 

mainders from the seas not wasted, which may be 
put into her Majesty's storehouse, and the officer 
charged therewith, and how and to whom he after- 
wards doth deliver it. So by this means shall your 
Majesty know your wastes, wherein your Majesty 
may be much deceived, and true men have not 
the dealing therewith. And in like manner, once a 
year, or more if need be, an account to be made as 
is for the other storehouses. 


Certain Notes to prove that Mr. John Hawkyns 
doth not deal truly with her Majesty l 

There is one Honnyngborn, 2 who hath the 
keeping of her Majesty's storehouse at Deptford 
Strand, who is deputy for Christopher Baker, Clerk 
of the storehouse : the said Honnyngborne and 
Hawkyns have not been friends, but now of late 
great friends, since Sir William Wynter and 
Hawkyns did become friends ; by this means 
Hawkyns may do in the great storehouse what he 

I myself saw Honnyngborn receive a great 
number of small ropes in coils out of Hawkyns's 
storehouse, and put them into the great storehouse, 
which ropes few of them were good. I charged 
Honnyngborn with them, and asked by what 
warrant he took them in. He told me not, but said 
he would refuse them which were not good. 

One Wylson, a ropemaker, will justify that one 
Cletherowe, a seller of ropes in London, did put 

1 This is written on the back of the last document, and is 
therefore also the work of Thomas Alleyn. 

2 See /<?.$/, p. 249 n. 


into her Majesty's storehouse at Deptford a great 
quantity of small ropes, and the keeper of the store- 
house did set a tally l on them, and writ William 
Cokayne's 2 name thereon, a merchant of Danzig ; 
but these ropes were made in Lyme and Boston. 
There is difference in every hundredweight at least 
five shillings. This is true dealing, and the said 
Cletherowe is he that doth buy all things for 

Matthew Baker saith that when Peter Pett and 
he did take the repairing of her Majesty's ships 
Hawkyns would needs be half with them, but the 
rest of the officers did not know that Hawkyns had 
any part with them. 

Then Hawkyns would persuade the officers to 
give them great allowances because he was a 
partner, and at the last Hawkyns would have the 
whole bargain in his own hands and gave them 
wages, so he made his own allowances as he pleased 
and paid himself. 

There hath been no audit from Hawkyns, as the 
auditor saith, this two years ; there hath been neither 
cordage nor canvas with other things not entered 
into the Queen's Majesty's books, as Hawkyns saith, 
this year ; nor prices made to the Queen's Majesty ; 
but he hath paid all by imprest, 3 which was never 
wont to be the use, but to enter all commodities as 
they were bought and received. 

There is one Captain Thornton, of Ireland, who 
is now here, saith that he hath the keeping of one 
of her Majesty's ships in Ireland 4 which Hawkyns 
is bound to maintain. He hath divers times sent 
him ropes made of old stuff, both cables and small 
ropes, as he will take his oath. The Lord Deputy 

1 MS. Tayle. - MS. Cockyn. See/<w/, p. 250. 

3 I.e. by fixed official rates. 

4 Probably the Handmaid. (See/tf-sV, p. 313.) 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 223 

will witness the same, for Thornton did never receive 
any ropes but he did show them to the Lord 
Deputy, and yet he priced them to her Majesty at 
195-. the hundred, which stood not him in 12^. at 

It is not good that any subject's ships should lie 
against Deptford, but only her Majesty's ships. It 
hath been used but of late years, the cause why may 
be declared. 

It is not good that her Majesty's shipwrights 
shall keep any timber yard or build any ships for 
merchants or for any nobleman without her Majesty's 
leave, because they have commission from her 
Majesty to take up timber, and then to build other 
men's ships therewith. 

If it be your Majesty's pleasure that I shall 
provide from henceforth those things of provision 
for your Highness's navy, according to my Letters 
Patent, that it may please your Majesty there may 
be a survey of all your Majesty's storehouses by 
men of knowledge, that there may be no old nor 
rotten stuff therein. And then hereafter should be 
laid to my charge that I did put them in. 1 

It is not good that any of her Majesty's officers 
which hath charge of her Majesty's ships should 
have any shipping of their own, nor yet be no 
builders of ships, nor be no merchant nor partner 
with any merchant, because they are appointed by 
her Majesty to see that all commodities shall be 
perfect and good which shall be bought for her 
Majesty's navy. And then are they appointed to 

1 Passages of this kind, revealing the interested motives of 
the authors, are common to all or nearly all the documents con- 
taining accusations against Hawkyns. As evidence against him 
they are of little or no value, while they certainly suggest, in 
almost every case, that he had put a stop to some extortionate 
or dishonest practice of the accuser, by which he had been en- 
riching himself at the expense of the navy. 


[fix] l a reasonable price between her Majesty and 
the merchant, which they will scarce do if the goods 
be their own. 

And these things Mr. Hawkyns did of himself ! 
Must not he needs be a beggar ? 


Report of the Chief Shipwrights 
[S.P. Dom. cciv. 20. Signed.] 

12 October, 1587. 

Whereas, Right Honourable, it hath been given 
us in charge by the Right Honourable Lord 
Treasurer, with the consent and good liking of your 
lordship, that we should survey and examine the 
state of her Majesty's navy in such manner as we 
will answer it upon our allegiance, we have, 
therefore, sequestered all fear or whatsoever, setting 
before us the testimony of a good conscience, and 
so, accordingly to our skill, experience and knowledge, 
we have set down our opinion of the same, present- 
ing it to your good lordship as to our chief lord and 
patron, that by the good acceptation thereof such 
care may be had and order accordingly taken that 
all doubts and dangers in good time may be pre- 
vented ; anything contained therein your lordship's 
better discretion is to be used notwithstanding. 

The Elizabeth Jonas 

The same ship as she is very old, and hath 
been long from the seas, we find her greatly decayed 
in her timbers, trenails, 2 and part of her beams, 

1 MS. is torn here. 2 MS. Tronaylls. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 225 

specially in the quarters before and abaft, besides 
such timbers as were cut in sunder in divers parts 
and pieced for twelve years past, whereby we are 
not otherwise to judge of the same ship but to be of 
a small continuance, and high time to reform such 
imperfections for preventing the worst. Neverthe- 
less, in considering her well building and the 
strength now added to the same of late, we are in 
good hope that upon a necessity she may answer 
any sudden service if it be required, but much fitter 
for the summer season than for the winter, if it may 
so come to pass. 

The Triumph 

The same ship we find much decayed in the 
timbers, but most in the quarters, yet not like unto the 
Elizabeth Jonas ; notwithstanding she cannot be of 
any long continuance except these imperfections be 
remedied. Nevertheless, in considering her strong 
building, with a little addition to the same, it 
bringeth us in good hope that she may answer any 
sudden service that may be required, specially for 
the summer season. 

The White Bear 

The same ship we find many decayed timbers in 
her, especially before, in such number as breedeth 
some great suspicion of her long continuance, and 
therefore great cause to know the same in time to 
prevent dangers. Nevertheless, in considering 
what is added of late for her strength, it maketh us 
in good hope for any present service, specially for 
the summer season. 

The Victory 

The same ship, at her last being in the dock, 
many imperfect timbers were discovered, which 



could not be removed without a great charge ; but 
the same was strengthened for the time, which 
bringeth us in good hope that she may answer any 
present service, yet of no long continuance. 

The Mary Rose 

The same ship being very old, we find the great 
part of the timbers decayed, passing all the rest of 
the ship ; and therefore we doubt her state 
dangerous, specially for any winter service, and for 
augmenting her strength there cannot much more 
be done, and being no perfect mould and so near 
worn, she is not to be builded upon, but rather 

The Bonaventure 

The same ship we find to have divers imperfec- 
tions and weakness growing of the decayed timbers, 
stern-post, and one of the fashion-pieces, 1 as also 
under the sheathing, 2 which cannot be well remedied 
without dry docking. Notwithstanding, for the 
present necessity it is determined that some part of 
her weakness shall be holpen until better oppor- 
tunity may be had to do the same to better 

The Dreadnought 

The same ship we find by her decayed stern and 
many imperfect timbers, clamps, footwales, trenails, 
&c., that no less weakness appeareth to be in her 
than was reported, which cannot be well remedied 

1 MS. Fasshyon. ' They are those two timbers which describe 
the breadth of the ship at the stern, and are the outermost timbers 
of the stern, and on each side thereof.' (Boteler, Sea Dialogues , 
p. 126.) 

2 MS. Shething. Hawkyns had introduced a sheathing of 
elm boards, nailed over a felt of hair and tar. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 227 

to any purpose without dry docking. Nevertheless 
so much shall be done as may bring us in hope of 
the service for the present, omitting the rest until 
time better serveth. But that which for the most 
part is to be done is to be known again 1 at her 

The Swiftsure 

The same ship we find great imperfections in, 
the timbers, footwales, and trenails not far un- 
like the Dreadnought, so that her long being from 
the sea causeth some doubt of her strength. There- 
fore somewhat shall be done to her to bring us in 
better hope of her service, until she may be further 
dealt with as her state requireth. 


The Antelope 

The same ship, although she hath been lately 
builded above water, yet is she a very old bottom, 
which- in short time will require to be new builded. 
Nevertheless she is in sufficient state for the present 

The Aid 

The same ship being lately repaired above the 
water, yet is her bottom old, and being sheathed 
will in short time require a farther charge. Never- 
theless her present state is in sufficient order for any 
sudden service. 

The Swallow 

The same ship is a very old bottom and will in 
short time require a charge, nevertheless in good 
state for any present service. 

1 MS. Agens (? against). 

Q 2 


The Bull 

The same ship we find greatly decayed in the 
timbers ; yet, being lately bound, proveth as yet well 
at the seas, and therefore thought fit for the present 
service. Nevertheless her continuance is not long 
to be looked for, and being so far worn, is not meet 
to be any more builded upon, but rather another in 
her place. 

Tke Revenge 

The same ship being lately repaired in the dock 
is in sufficient state to answer any sudden service, 
notwithstanding that repairing extended not to a 
new making. Therefore her continuance is thought 
the less time. 

The Lion 

The same ship being new builded 4 or 5 years 
past is in good state for present service. 

The Ark Royal 

The same ship having many things to perfect 
and finish, had many hands to do the same, so may 
she be in good time answerable for any service. 

The Vanguard 

The same ship in sufficient state for the sudden 
service with a little caulking. 

The Rainbow 

The same ship in good state, her masts being 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 229 

The Merlin 

This pinnace is in good readiness for the present 


The Hope 

The same ship is well known unto us to be of 
an ancient bottom and very near worn, and often- 
times hath been repaired, and, therefore, of no long 
continuance. Nevertheless in state serviceable, to 
our knowledge. 

The Nonpareil 

The same ship lately new builded, and there- 
fore may answer any sudden service. 

The Foresight 

The same ship, now being in the narrow seas, 
will in short time require to be reformed of her 
weakness for her better continuance, though suffi- 
cient for a time. 

The Tiger 

The same ship, now at the seas, being lately 
well repaired, is answerable for the present service, 
and is thought to be of a reasonable continuance. 

The Scout 

The same bark, now at the seas, being new 
builded at the first with the Revenge, will require 


in short time some reformations, but for the present 
she is serviceable. 

The Achates 

This bark was builded with the Dreadnought 
and hath many imperfect timbers, and therefore in 
short space will require to be reformed, though 
sufficient for the present service. 

Seven New Pinnaces 

The pinnaces lately new builded, and most of 
them at the seas, are answerable for the present 

The Galley Eleanor 1 

This galley, standing in a dry dock, is in some 
decay, and may be holpen, upon a necessity, to 
answer any service if it be thought good. She is not 
of long continuance. 

The George, a hoy 

The same hoy, being lately sheathed and repaired, 
being continually used, may be serviceable for a 
reasonable time, with good usage. 

Three Lighters 

The three lighters, the one being of 2 an old ship, 
is sore decayed, and in dangerous state to take in 
any charge of ordnance ; the other two, being 
smaller, are used for that purpose. 

1 After her rebuilding in 1584 she was usually known as the 
Bonavolia. For the significance of the name seeflost, p. 283. 

2 MS. Off. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 2-11 

Boats, Cocks, and Skiffs 

These ship's boats, cocks, and skiffs are in 
reasonable good state for the service, yet by reason 
of their continual occupying and loss at the seas, 
they are daily to be renewed. 

Thus have we, Right Honourable, faithfully and 
simply, according to our knowledge, set down in the 
premises the state of her Majesty's navy as briefly 
as we may, being ready at your lordship's pleasure 
to make a reason thereof at any time when we shall 
be required. The charge is great and the matter 
weighty, and many things obscure therein. There- 
fore a dangerous thing it is to build a stability upon 
any one man's warrantize, 1 neither think it we 
expedient that your lordship should take hold or 
depend upon our judgments, farther than the same 
may be confirmed by the view and report of expert 
and faithful men, such as may be made choice of for 
so good a purpose. So shall your lordship be the 
better satisfied, and the rumour appeased, and 
ourselves purged of that which is surmised of 
us, that our special causes should move us to 
mislike of the state of the navy ; as first, because 
we should be the better set a work and our 
servants ; secondly [that] we do it of a envious 
mind ; lastly [that] we seek to worry Mr. Hawkyns, 
and so to have it at liberty again, to make havoc 
of all things as it was before. These points be 
soon answered, for it is far from our thoughts, as 
God the Father of all hearts doth know, to whose 
provident protection we leave your good lordship. 
Your honours to command, 



1 MS. ' warrantysse.' 



Sir William Wynter's Report on a Difference between 
Hawkyns and Pett 1 

[S.P. Dom. cciv. 21. Signed and addressed.] 

After my duty in humble manner remembered 
unto your good lordship, it may please you to wit 
that there was lately committed to me to end a 
controversy for matters of reckoning between Mr. 
Hawkyns and Peter Pett. I heard Mr. Pett at 
large, and saw his demands, whereupon I dealt 
with Mr. Hawkyns, and heard the reasons which 
he made, and considered and perused all the course 
of their accounts ; wherein I could not perceive but 
that Mr. Hawkyns had dealt well with him, and 
ready to come to an end. Whereupon I made 
Peter Pett to know how I did understand the 
account between them, after which time he came 
no more to me about that cause. And for that it 
seemed to me that he was unwilling I should 
proceed to the ending of it, I did therefore give it 
over, for had I gone through with it I think I 
should have pleased neither of them. True it is 
that Mr. Hawkyns always did desire to have an end 
of it. And thus most humbly taking my leave I 
rest, beseeching God for the continuing of your 
honourable estate, and to send you health. Written 
from Woolwich the I2th of October, 1587. 
Your honourable lordship's 

Ever to command, 

1 See /AT/, p. 250. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 233 


Hawkynss Answer with his Scheme of Naval 

[S.P. Dom. ccv. 22. Holograph. Addressed.] 

My bounden duty humbly remembered unto 
your good lordship, I have herewith sent in brief 
note of the charge of those ships which I think fit 
to perform the offer which I make, and the service 
which is to be done I note in the end of the estimate. 

Sundry of these ships I have chosen because they 
are disabled ; howbeit I have no doubt but this 
service shall be well performed by them, and continue 
many years hereafter to do the like service with the 
favour of God. 

I have endeavoured myself since I came to be 
an Officer to better the state of the navy, and when 
peaceable time was I did, with the help of my 
fellows, procure from your lordship the help of that 
money which was spared out of the Ordinary Warrant 
to better the state of the office ; and when anything 
was paid into this office for any purpose that might 
be performed with a less sum, the same overplus 
hath not been vainly or carelessly spent, but 
employed to necessary purposes, as here following I 
note : 

1. The provisions of cordage and canvas are 
trebled in value. 

2. There are increased and reformed 100 great 

3. The pulleys and sheaves * of brass have been 
made in effect all new, which were decayed by long 

1 MS. 'shyvers.' 


4. Great charges hath been spent in reforming 
the sails. 

5. The hulls of the ships have in effect been all 
dry docked and repaired. 

6. All the boats and pinnaces thoroughly new 

7. Storehouses, forges, and wharves in all 
places much augmented, with a number of many 
other good things done wherewith I will not trouble 
your lordship. 

For all which service (which 4O,ooo/. would 
hardly perform) there hath been no special warrant, 
saving three which were for the repairing of the 
Bonaventure and Foresight, the Lion and the 
Nonpareil, which amounted to 4, 6oo/., but performed 
with husbandry, providence, and that which hath 
been spared out of the Ordinary Warrant of 5,7i4/. 

For my own part I have lived in a very mean 
estate since I came to be an Officer, neither have I 
vainly or superfluously consumed her Majesty's 
treasure or mine own substance, but ever been 
diligently and carefully occupied to prepare for the 
danger to come. And whatsoever hath been or is 
maliciously spoken of me, I doubt not but your 
lordship's wisdom is such that ye may discern and 
judge of my fidelity, of which her Majesty and your 
lordship have had long trial. And hereafter I will 
speak little in mine own behalf, but endeavour my- 
self with my ability and knowledge to prevent the 
malice of our enemies, and lay aside the vanity of 
the defending of every malicious report. 

If this shall take effect at any time hereafter, 1 it 
were fit that there were provision of victual ready 

1 This refers to his offer to undertake the defence of the 
realm with a small permanent squadron on the Western station. 
See next document. 


2 35 

at the Isle of Wight, at Weymouth, at Dartmouth, 
at Plymouth, and at Falmouth, which would relieve 
the ships wheresoever they shall have occasion to 
stop, and so would there not be such consumption 
of cask in this place alone, but would greatly help 
that provision. 

I do send herewith a form of a letter 1 which 
I humbly desire may come from your lord- 
ship and my Lord Admiral to the Officers of the 
Navy, to take some course for the ending of the 
bargain at Christmas next. Which end I do not 
desire, that her Majesty should hereafter be the 
worst served, but rather the better. For when I 
shall be free, I shall the better be able to speak my 
mind boldly in her Majesty's behalf, but now I am 
choked 2 with that they say, I speak for mine own 
profit. But your lordship shall be most assured by 
this my faithful promise before God and your lord- 
ship, that I will perform the duty of a faithful, 
trusty, and loving servant to her Majesty with the 
help of God, and so wishing your good lordship 
health and happiness, I humbly take my leave. 
From London, the i$th of November, 1587. 
Your honourable lordship's 

Humbly to command, 



Hawkyns s Scheme of Naval Defence 

[S.P. Dom. ccv. 22 I. Endorsed by Burghley ' not accepted.'] 
November 13, 1587. 

A proportion of seven great-ships of her Majesty's 
and divers other ships and pinnaces to be set forth 

1 See p. 238. 2 MS. Chockyd or checkyd. 



in warlike order, to lie in the west parts for the 
defence of the realm. As followeth : 

Ships of Her Majesty's 

The Victory 
The Mary Rose 
The Bonaventure 
The Hope 
The Nonpareil 
The Dreadnought 
The Rainbow 
The Tramontana 
The Advice 
The Trust 
The Makeshift 

1 80 


1,990 men. 

Ships at Plymouth 

200 The Griffin 

1 80 The Bark Talbot . 

1 80 The Hope 

150 The Bark Bond 

150 The Bark Bonner . 

80 The Unity 

940 tons. 

Prest and Conduct 

For the prest and conduct of 1,800 
sailors at 7^. per man, with presting 
charges ...... 

For the prest and conduct of 400 
gunners and soldiers at 2S. 6d. per man 


For harbour wages of 600 men, 
7 days at is. 6d. per man . 


410 men. 

s. d. 

630 o o 

50 o o 

75 o o 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 237 

For sea wages of 2,400 men for 
three months, at 425. per man, diets, 
dead shares, and rewards in the same 
accounted ...... 

Sea Store 

For sea store of the said ships 
accounting them in all, but for 1 2 ships, 
after the rate of 6o/. every ship . 

Conduct in Discharge 

For conduct in discharge of 1,800 
sailors, at 6s. every man 

For conduct in discharge of 400 
gunners and soldiers, at \id. every 
man ....... 


For tonnage 1 of the 6 ships for 
three months ..... 


s. d. 

5,040 o o 

720 o o 

540 o o 

20 o 

141 o o 
7,216 o o 

Harbour Victuals. 

For harbour victuals of 600 men 
for 7 days, at 35-. 6d. per man . 

Sea Victual. 



For sea victual of 2,400 men for 
3 months, at 495. every man . . 5,880 o o 

1 I.e. for chartering the six ships at Plymouth which were 
most of them, if not all, his own or his partners'. 



v. d. 

For transportation of the said 
victuals ...... 100 o o 

Sum . 6,085 o o 

\Total Cosf\ 

s. d. 

John Hawkyns . . 7,216 o o 

James Quarles 1 . . 6,085 

Total . 13,301 o o 

With this power I will (with God's help) defend 
and forbid the army to land or take succour of any 
port in the West Country. If they pass through the 
Channel towards the Narrow Seas I will accompany 
them and disturb them. If they go for Ireland or 
Scotland, I will go to them, so, as I hope, few of 
them shall return in peace. 


Form of Letter proposed by Hawkyns to procure the 
rescission of his Contract 



[S.P. Dom. ccv. 71.] 

After my very hearty commendations ; whereas 
John Hawkyns, Treasurer of the Navy, upon the 
bargain offered by him in July 1585, for the sum of 
5,7i4/. 2s. 2d. yearly, growing upon the old Ordinary 
Warrant did undertake to keep in order of service 

1 Surveyor of the Victuals, vice Edward Baeshe, deceased. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 239 

er Majesty's navy then being, to dry dock and 
new make them as need should require, to moor 
them in harbour, to pay the wages of shipkeepers, 
clerks, and gunners, and to repair the storehouses 
and wharves at Chatham, Deptford, Woolwich, and 
Portsmouth, with sundry other charges incident to 
the same which were accustomed to be borne upon 
that ordinary ; I do understand by your letter that 
the said John Hawkyns hath performed the said 
office, and hath docked and repaired divers of the 
ships according to that bargain, moored the ships, 
paid the shipkeepers, and such other things as 
appertained to that Ordinary. Now, because the 
navy is greatly increased, and that these times of 
service require sundry and often trimmings of the 
ships, and that also in the winter time, whereby 
charge doth greatly increase, the accounts hereby 
do grow so intricate as he is not able to continue 
the said office. 

Therefore, in consideration of the premises, and 
for the better service of her Majesty, and upon his 
humble petition to her Highness, I think it fit that 
ye do consider of his accounts to end at Christmas 
next, and that ye deal with him according to that 
bargain, as in equity and conscience ye shall think 
reason ; and thenceforth to husbandry her Majesty's 
charge, as shall become faithful servants and officers, 
until it shall be her Highness' s pleasure to take any 
other way for the ordering of the same. 



Certificate in Hawkyns s favour by the Surveyor of 
the Ships and the Controller 


[ccvi. 15. Signed. Addressed.] 

Our duty in humble manner remembered unto 
your good lordship : According to your honour's 
commandment by your letter bearing date the yth 
of this present, we have considered upon the articles 
which were set down in the offer made by Mr. 
Hawkyns for the maintenance of the navy in anno 
1585, being the first time of the said offer. We 
have ever since been careful to see that performed 
which we thought fit to be observed by Mr. 
Hawkyns, and have from time to time compared 
his allowances with the equity of the conditions 
contained in that bargain, wherein we have used our 
best circumspection to deal indifferently between her 
Majesty and him ; certifying your lordship hereby, 
that he hath carefully performed the conditions of 
that offer in such sort as we have no cause to corn- 
pain of him, but are thoroughly persuaded in our 
conscience that he hath, for the time since he took 
that bargain, expended a far greater sum in 
carpentry upon her Majesty's ships than he hath had 
any way allowance for. 

We have in the foot of this letter noted unto 
your lordship divers ships that have been repaired 
in dry docks and ships new made since the time of 
the bargain, besides the ordinary reparations of the 
ships and boats in harbour, to the end your lordship 
may consider and judge that the money disbursed by 
her Highness hath been well employed. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 241 

And as concerning the mooring of the ships in 
harbour, the payment of shipkeepers, clerks, gunners, 
watchmen, and rents, and the reparation of store- 
houses and wharves, we find no want, but that they 
have been paid and sufficiently done by him, with 
such other ordinary matters as are contained in his 
bargain. And so, wishing your lordship all honour 
and health, we humbly take our leave. From Tower- 
hill, 1 the Qth day of December, 1587. 

Ships repaired in dry dock and new made since 
April 1585 : 

The Hope repaired in Deptford Dock. 
The Elizabeth Jonas in Woolwich Dock. 
The George at Deptford. 
The Bear in Woolwich Dock. 
The Aid in Deptford Dock. 
The Revenge in Woolwich Dock. 
The Triumph repaired in Woolwich Dock. 
The Antelope in Deptford Dock. 
The Victory in Deptford Dock. 
The Swallow in Deptford Dock. 
The Merlin in Deptford Dock. 
The Tiger all new. 

The Hope put in very good order with great 
charge at Portsmouth. 

Your honourable lordships ever to command, 



1 It was here the Admiralty office was fixed by the original 
order of Henry VIII. 


1587 Articles exhibited against Mr. John 
Hawkyns ! 

[Lansdowne MS. lii. Art. 43.] 

Articles of discovery of the unjust mind and 
deceitful dealing of John Hawkyns 

About August anno 1583 the charge of the 

filleon Leicester, being returned from Captain 
enton his overthrown voyage, was committed unto 
me by my Lord the Earl of Leicester. 

By reason of that service I had many occasions 
of conference with Sir William Wynter and Mr. 

It pleased Sir William to like so well of me that 
he admitted me to talk with him oftentimes by his 
bedside many and sundry mornings, and invited me 
to his table ; and, amongst the rest of his discourses 
of his education, his knowledge of my Lord from 
infancy, his special respect of my said Lord's favour, 
and such like he discovered unto me such matters 
as had passed between Mr. Hawkyns and the rest of 
the Officers, which for brevity I leave to recite. 
Only this much I note, that more cannot be uttered 
by my tongue to set forth the baseness of the said 
Mr. Hawkyns in birth, mind, and manners, or to 
foretell his intent and pretended deceit which are 
now apparent than by the said Sir William and 
others of that part was to me declared. 

After I had some understanding of the matter by 
the said Sir William, Matthew Baker the master 
shipwright, and others, as occasion served me to 
resort to Mr. Hawkyns or to be in his company in 
Deptford yard (where my business then lay, my said 

1 Endorsement. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 243 

ord's ship lying there), I questioned or objected 
some matters concerning the said cause upon purpose 
to inform myself of the truth, never discovering my 
intelligencers ; but by the touch and substance of the 
conceit I gather he knew from whence they did 
spring. But say I what I could, or object what I 
would, he would seem to make such a sound answer 
or avoidance of the matter, and would with such a 
grace and face maintain his matter, that he made me 
sometimes think that I had mistaken that which now 
I know I perfectly knew. 

But notwithstanding that, his foresaid cunning, 
I found by observance that he observed me, and 
ever after made show unto me, and many times 
invited me to his table and showed himself very 
willing to resolve me in anything I questioned or 
condoned of, saying that whosoever had informed 
me of any such matter if I would know the truth he 
would satisfy me therein. I showed myself willing 
and heard from time to time what he could say, but 
never found any other thing in him but shows and 
shadows without any substance. 

Amongst many matters that were between us 
talked upon, as the botching l of the ships and 
deceiving the Queen in his professed savings ; the 
general clamours of numbers of people against him 
whose living they said he and his wife did take away ; 
the parts of ships' adventures and purchases which 
he had and made ; the abuse committed in the store- 
house by him and some others by buying cordage 
and canvas at one price, and thrusting it into the 
storehouse by turns at higher prices ; the taking of 
timber by commission and employing it to his own 
private buildings and profits by selling it, converting 
it into sugar chests, or repairing his own and other 
men's ships. One special matter I remember that I 
1 MS. 'boutchinge.' 

R 2 


certified him I heard of, which was that he made a 
great gain of the moorings : ' at the least,' said I, 
' by certain report not less than 6oo/. per annum.' 
His answer was thereunto that he would deal plainly 
with me therein, and that my eyes should be 
witnesses of the truth therein ; and thereupon went 
to his desk and took out a note wherein was men- 
tioned how much was shared out thereof to his 
fellow Officers and others, as I well remember Mr. 
Allen * was therein set down 6o/., the rest some 4O/., 
some 5O/. As to the rest of the matters, he main- 
tained his botching and culvertailing of pieces, 2 as he 
termed it, but ever passed over his deceiving the Queen 
by putting Ordinary to Extraordinary ; and as I well 
remember he had a pretty colour for it, saying ' You 
know the Officers are not my friends, neither will the 
Lord Treasurer do anything for me. How can I do 
so, or have anything allowed that should or ought 
not to be ? ' 

The buying into the storehouse he maintained as 
necessary. ' For that,' said he, ' we cannot get any 
money of the Lord Treasurer for provisions, and if,' 
said he, ' we have any money, had we not as good lay 
it out and gain by it, as the merchants should. And 
it may be,' said he, ' if we did not, we should not 
have it when we would.' But I say that albeit this 
colourable answer served then to stop my further 
understanding of the matter, I thought it hard [that] 
the Officers that should be surveyors for her Majesty 
should be purveyors and merchants themselves to 
make their own price and payment without control- 
ment. But I remember Sir William Wynter, when 

1 Probably Thomas Alleyn, his old enemy. See note, p. 216. 

2 The MS. has ' culverteyning.' The word is etymologically 
the same as 'dovetailing,' from 'culver' a dove. The writer 
apparently did not know the word, and mistook or had forgotten 
what Hawkyns said. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 245 

I, in talk with him upon those matters, imputed it 
for a fault, he protested that he never dealt that 
way ; but whether he shared with Mr. Borough or 
Mr. Holstock he did not tell me. And now I know 
that Mr. Hawkyns had that i,7OO/. which was saved 
of the Warrant Dormant to supply that purpose, 
which he hath had six years, and therein deceived 
her Majesty greatly and abused the Lord Treasurer 
most unjustly. 

As to the general exclamations on taking the 
livings of the poor, he made no account of that 
objection, and as to the part of the ships and pur- 
chases, he ever referred them to his wife, saying, 
' My wife hath purchased a little thing. I meddle 
not with it. I desire,' said he, 'but to perform my 
service, and to go away but with as much as I 
brought with me.' I asked what it might be, and 
he answered that when his brother and he parted at 
Plymouth their stocks were 2O,ooo/. ; but since [then] 
within this two months upon occasion I took to tell 
him amongst other things at his request, that I had 
heard that he had wept to her Majesty and said 
he was indebted, which I said I marvelled to hear, 
considering he told me once that his state was 
io,ooo/. ' Nay,' said he, ' I do not remember I said 
so, but my state was n,ooo/. I mean not in 
money,' said he, ' but in land and state ; and as 
for weeping to her Majesty, I did it not, nor said 
any such matter.' 1 

After that, upon some occasion of talk with Sir 
William Wynter, I told him what I heard Mr. 
Hawkyns report of his state as aforesaid. His 

1 In margin, opposite this paragraph, is written : ' He meaneth 
by colour of that n,ooo/. to carry away 4o,ooo/. (less than which 
he cannot be worth, except he have paid very large fees which 
in truth is to be doubted), for that such a cunning master of his 
art as he is, being worth 4o,ooo/., will give 2O,[ooo]/. of it to save 
the other and his life also.' 


answer was, ' What a dissembling knave is that ! 
When he was hurt in the Strand, and made his 
will, he was not able to give 5OO/.' That being 
true, it is to be noted that all that he is now worth 
and that which he hath wasted hath been drawn by 
deceit from her Majesty. 1 

The said Sir William dining at Mr. Customer 
Smythe's, 2 my father and I being in company, upon 
occasion of talk concerning Mr. Hawkyns, he 
uttered that when the bargain of the Ordinary was 
entered into, Mr. Hawkyns persuaded the ship- 
wrights thereunto by the reciting of a tale of one 
that undertook in seven years to make an ass to 
speak. What his meaning might be therein I leave 
it to the construction of the wise ; but in reason 
I gather it could not be good, as the experience 
of his dealing doth now discover. 

To conclude upon these matters, albeit that 
Mr. Hawkyns had found a fault in Sir William and 
the rest, and maintained the same by their books, 
yet they seemed to me to have a better answer 
than Mr. Hawkyns can now make 3 ; and that 
induced me rather to lean to their side than to 
Mr. Hawkyns ; for they said they kept the navy 
sufficient, and for the matters that were surcharged 
upon James Humfrye and such like, Sir William 
told me they were but small matters, and so entered 
because they knew not how to have allowance of 

1 It is not clear whether or not the last words of the para- 
graph (from ' that being true ') are intended to be Wynter's. The 
incident referred to is his having been stabbed by an assassin 
in mistake for Sir Christopher Hatton The will, of course, may 
only have applied to his personalty, the land being settled, and 
possibly his ships as well. 

- Thomas Smythe, customer of the Port of London. 

3 This seems to imply that Hawkyns had discovered and 
proved some irregularities in Wynter's accounts, which may ex- 
plain his hostility, but nothing further has been discovered re- 
garding the matter. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 247 

some extraordinary charges which happened in their 
service, and as it seemeth that matter never came 
to any restitution or reformation. But Mr. Hawkyns 
that has come to his place and credit by way of 
accusation, and now to have committed the like and 
greater offences, and not to regard the sufficiency of 
the defence of her Majesty and realm, and having 
deceived in a far greater quantity and observed no 
part of his professed service and loyalty, is by law, 
reason, and justice in her Majesty's mercy, both for 
life, lands, and goods ; whom I beseech the Lord to 
direct to execute condign punishment upon him, to 
the terror of all such pretending purposes of deceit 
and detriment of her Majesty and commonwealth. 

As to my particular knowledge of the unjust 
mind and indirect dealings of the said Mr. Hawkyns, 
this much I can discover of my own knowledge : 
That after my Lord's said ship was finished and 
departed in the voyage to St. Domingo and Carta- 
gena with Sir F. Drake, there being certain remains 
left in a storehouse, which he had lent me, as a cable 
which was returned from Espirito Santo 1 and over- 
dried, certain fowlers and chambers, and other 
necessaries which were refused as not serviceable, 
he by a colour having need to use that storehouse 
broke open the door and took all away. I hearing 
of it came to him to know the reason. He told me 
that the ship with all furniture was put into the 
voyage, and that these remains did belong to Sir F. 
Drake. I answered that they were left as unneces- 
sary and that I had moved my Lord for warrant to 

1 MS. 'Sperto S to .' Fenton's last effort on his disastrous 
voyage of 1582 had been to trade at Espirito Santo now 
Victoria with the Brazilian Portuguese. He was driven out of 
it by a Spanish squadron, and returned home. Luke Ward in 
his narrative (see in Hakluyt) calls the place Santos, but the 
latitude given by William Hawkyns is that of Espirito Santo 
Bay 15^. 


make sale of them. ' Tush ! ' said he, ' you have not 
nor need not acquaint my Lord withal. They belong 
to Sir Fr. Drake, and if you will content yourself and 
hold your peace I will give you 20 marks.' I being 
out of possession of the goods and knowing not how 
to remedy it, accepted his offer and certified my 
Lord thereof, who answered he would call him in 
question for that and other matters following. 

I agreed with him for repairing of my Lord's 
said ship for 25O/., as under his own hand I have it 
extant ; 2oo/. thereof he had, the other 5O/. re- 
mained. By colour thereof he framed a note of 
the charge to be 375/. for the said ship ; and, not- 
withstanding the receipt of my Lord's 2OO/., he 
put to her Majesty's account of Sir F. Drake's 
said Domingo voyage 375/. He hath made the 
charges of the ship to be in that account about 
i,2OO/., and therein also put the charge of two other 
of her Majesty's ships which should have been done 
upon his Ordinary under the colour of the Bonaven- 
ture, the Aid, and the Sea Dragon, which were then 
repaired in Woolwich upon that account. His de- 
frayments in that account are by him set down by 
a general account to be I3,478/., wherein if it were 
duly examined cannot be less than 5,ooo/. deceit, 
besides such other indirect profits as he had out of 
that account by being a Commissioner therein, by 
taking many things at their own prices and he and 
others selling them to their own use ; the like course 
whereof he would have entered also into, if some 
whom he moved therein would have given way to 
him or been of his disposition, in the Carrack 
account, which by such means would have come to 
as good a reckoning as the foresaid account did 
come unto. This being certified unto my said Lord 
with other his abuses as aforesaid, his Lordship 
purposed to enter into the discovery of them, and 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 249 

to that end according to my information and request 
directed his letter to Sir William Wynter for Mr. 
Hawkyns's particular account of that voyage and 
commanded me by his letter to hearken unto and to 
have an eye to those matters. But so it fell out 
that Sir William Wynter was to put into her 
Majesty's navy his ship called the Sea Dragon in 
place of the Tiger, which since is received l ; so 
that Mr. Hawkyns's particular account, which Sir 
William Wynter before had told me he had, could 
not be found, and then I was referred over to Jonas 
Bodenham, 2 and from him to Mr. Hawkyns, and so 
could never get it, and by that reason nothing was 
or is as yet done therein. 

I was also an eyewitness of a great abuse com- 
mitted in the storehouse by the said Mr. Hawkyns, 
being before informed by Honnyngborn, 3 clerk 
under Mr. Baker of the said storehouse, that 
Cletherell 4 had sent down a lighter of cordage a 
great part whereof was of Ducat 5 hemp as he in- 
formed, and said he saw the bill of prices in the 
boy's hand that came with the lighter, whereof the 
price was i$s. per coil (?), and that after it was put 
into the storehouse with the Muscovy complement 

1 If this was so, the Sea Dragon must have taken the name as 
well as the place of the Tiger, for the Tiger appears in the lists of 
1588, and the Sea Dragon does not. The explanation probably is 
to be found in Burghley's note, 'The New Tiger' (seep. 271), 
the vessel in that list being really the Sea Dragon re-named. 

2 MS. Bodnam. 

3 Probably Peter Honnyngbourn, Deputy Clerk of her 
Majesty's store. See his report on stores issued and received at 
the Deptford storehouse in 1587 (S.P. Dom. ccxii. 48), and supra, 
p. 221. 

4 Alleyn calls this man Cletherowe. See supra, p. 221. 

5 Or ' Durat.' The origin of this name is doubtful. Alleyn 
says the cordage in question was made in Lyme and Boston. 
See supra, p. 222. The present writer also seems to identify it 
with Lyme and Boston cordage. See infra, p. 255. 


and the said Honnyngborn did show me and others, 
which will justify it, that the said Duraten ] cordage 
was new tallied and termed Danzig, bought of 
Cokayne, 2 by which it appeareth, viz., he coloured 
the kind, so in all reason he altered the price to the 
value of the Muscovy cordage ; and Mr. Alleyn told 
me he can justify he gained in the price of the 
said Muscovy cordage also, which his books must 

About April last Mr. Hawkyns and Mr. Pett 
fell at variance upon accounts, and he knowing that 
I had been and hearing that I was an observer of 
Mr. Hawkyns's dealings made means to confer with 
me, whose acquaintance I as willingly embraced as 
he required mine. Our meeting was at Philip 
Elize's 3 chamber in Deptford Yard. He is one of 
Sir William Wynter's clerks. The said Mr. Pett 
discoursed with me and discovered many things 
which Mr. Baker and others had told me, but he 
had the particular proofs, which seeing I liked ex- 
ceedingly, hoping now to lay open my long wished 
discovery of his abuses and deceits aforesaid. 

Not long after I met Sir William Wynter and 
Mr. Hawkyns walking in Greenwich Court. Mr. 
Hawkyns came to me and challenged me that I was 
a sifter and searcher after him. I answered I did 
not sift him, but said if any would tell me anything 
either of him or any other that I would not stop 
mine ears ; and said I, ' Because you charge me so 
hardly. If it be false I hear of you it is pity of 
their lives. If true it is pity that your head standeth 
upon your shoulders.' His answer was that all was 

1 Sic. 

2 MS. ' Cokine.' William Cokayne, merchant, of London ; 
see his petition. for payment for cables and cordage delivered into 
her Majesty's stores (S.P. Doni. ccxix. 54). 

3 This name is variously spelt. See ante, p. 47. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 251 

false, and that if I would come home to him he 
would resolve me of anything. Sir William said 
nothing, at which I marvelled, and by it and other 
their familiarities, and putting in of his ship, as also 
for that my Lord Admiral told me he had made 
them as fast as buckle and girdle, I suspected them 
to be reconciled and objected the same to Sir 
William Wynter's said man, Philip Elize, who 
answered that upon his life it was not so; 'for,' 
said he, ' you know how many ways my master 
hath sought against him and could never prevail, 
and therefore he closeth with him to catch him at a 
sure advantage and get but his accounts to be ex- 
amined, and it shall appear the charge to be greater 
than in my master's time, and the state of the navy 
by many degrees worse, and if you can bring it to 
pass I warrant you my master will show himself.' 1 

But notwithstanding that and Sir William's own 
deliveries unto me aforesaid, and his wonderful 
words passed against Mr. Hawkyns, yet it doth 
appear that they are become friends for they have 
of late received a pretty purchase of 5,ooo/. brought 
in by Mr. Hawkyns's base son, who was sent with 
letters of advice to Sir Fra. Drake towards Cadiz 
and meeting prize by the way returned to Plymouth 
with the prize which is shared : 50 chests of sugar, 
2 tons of Brazil [wood] to Sir William Wynter, 
1 80 chests [of sugar and] 10 tons Brazil to Mr. 
Hawkyns : to his said son 36 chests, and the rest 
they know best where it is bestowed. This being 
by them so received, and by a very faint colour of 
the pinnace being Sir William Wynter's, the same 
being employed in her Majesty's service, and the 
same being so shared, it standeth to reason to think 
they are united. 2 

Also I have seen and read a letter of the said 
1 Cf. p. 232. 2 See p. 102 n. 


Sir William directed to Mr. Baker when he was 
employed to survey her Majesty's ships at Plymouth, 
wherein he requested all favour and friendship for 
the said Mr. Hawkyns. 

Also Mr. Borough, that made a book against 
Mr. Hawkyns and procured it to be delivered to 
her Majesty, since their being together at sea, 1 
where the voice goeth they shared good matter and 
might have done great service which was by them 
omitted, they are grown great friends, and one 
maintaineth another's cause to the uttermost. So 
that now, if those that mean truly to their prince 
and country, and will maintain their matter justly 
without alteration or corruption may not be heard 
and countenanced (the said persons being all 
stopped), none will ever intermeddle to do any 
service therein, whereby her Majesty shall not only 
be further deceived of her treasure, but also the 
state of the navy and realm be more endangered. 

It may be objected that albeit all the said matters 
be true and the said Mr. Hawkyns be to be further 
charged, yet the time serveth not now for trial of 
such causes. And also that her Majesty is so 
merciful, that without very manifest proof she will 
not call any of her officers in question. To which 
for answer I say, that the time never served better 
to punish such an offender than now, when such 
causes are in hand, and the companies of that vein 

1 It is not known what this refers to. There seems no record 
of Hawkyns and Borough being together in command of an 
independent squadron. Borough, however, may have been 
Hawkyns's Vice- Admiral during his cruise in the autumn of 1586, 
of which there is no English record, though it is constantly men- 
tioned in Spanish intelligence. (See Spanish Calendar, 1580 
1586, pp. 633-77 passim.} Possibly, it was to this occasion that 
Borough referred in his protest to Drake, when he said he had 
been serving as Vice-Admiral at the Seas to the Lord Admiral. 
See supra, p. 125. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 253 

assembled together, that it might appear unto them 
all and terrify every one from doing or committing 
the like ; and the time being as it is, in reason he is 
not to be trusted, his former Spanish familiarity 
remembered, 1 his tale of the ass, and the manifest 
deceit and decaying of her Majesty's navy respected, 
which being considered the time serveth most fittest. 
And if it be said it is not convenient to question 
upon the matter for discovering the imperfections, I 
answer also that such due trial as may be had and 
used before her Majesty's Council can make no 
great overture, and for the matter it is too common 
already, 250 men having been of late employed in 
that service, and seeing their state, and using the 
daily company of 3 or 4 thousand mariners, who 
neither do nor will hold their tongues from talking 
of that which they see in that which concerneth 
their lives. And to the calling him in question 
without proof, I said Sir William Wynter's report is 
reason enough to call him in question, who hath said 
to two several persons, who will justify the same, 
that the officers and he have given him i,ooo/. per 
annum more than her Majesty's allowance ; and 
being asked how he could answer it said he would 
certify her Majesty thereof and yield his reason for 
the same. And as for other and further direct 
proof of such matters as he is charged withal, his 
books of necessity must be perused, and that is all 
the trouble I wish him until by his own books he 
may be condemned, which of necessity must needs 
be, and is no other matter or manner then he had 
or used against the Officers himself, and which I 
desire to have or use in no other manner then before 

1 This probably refers to his pretended intrigues with the 
Spanish Ambassador, in order, under colour of being ready to 
desert to Philip II., to get redress for his treatment at San Juan 
de Ulua. 


Sir Walter Mildmay 1 and Mr. Secretary Walsyngham, 
her Majesty's most honourable and experienced 
counsellors in these causes. The said Commis- 
sioners having authority to call to deliver their 
knowledge her Majesty's Master-shipwrights and 
such others as I shall nominate, of whom he hath 
bought provisions at one rate, and shall appear in 
the said books to be entered at a higher price or 
rate, or by device mis-entered or put down in other 
terms, titles, or natures. 

Mr. Hawkyns is to be charged with the receipt of 
i,7oo/. six years together, for which he should have 
furnished her Majesty's storehouse with a double 
furniture from time to time (and there having been 
very little employment by all that time) ; now when 
it is required there is scant to be found a single 

He is to be charged with the receipt of the said 
i,7oo/. two years and three-quarters since upon a 
new bargain to answer and perform the Extra- 
ordinary, upon which by a survey taken and re- 
maining under all the Officers' hands he ought to 
have builded before this time 4 new ships, and hath 
not builded or new made any one, but at her 
Majesty's new charges. As to the other survey, 
which do enable 2 the state of the navy more than 
present experience of them doth maintain, they 
are known to be procured by Mr. Hawkyns ; and 
albeit the Master-shipwrights' hands be unto them, 
the manner thereof being manifested, they cannot 
serve his turn to justify so manifest an untruth. 

He is to be charged with the receipt of 
per annum eight years, which i,ooo/. per annum 
he hath received to perform the Ordinary, and the 

1 Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

2 This use of the word ' enable ' for to ' enhance ' is not 
found in Elizabethan literature. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 255 

greatest charge thereof hath been answered by her 
Majesty by allowance given him, and by Sir William 
Wynter's confession, the full sum of r,ooo/. per 
annum hath been allowed him, the manner how the 
sum was given is to be understood by Sir William 
Wynter, his examination, or by mis-entries or sur- 
charges in his books to be found out. As for those 
ships that within the time of his last bargain of 
Extraordinary have either been repaired or new 
made, the greatest charge thereof hath been laid 
upon her Majesty by device of framing it to be out 
of his charge, as if anything be added to the 
strength, or that the ship hath been employed and 
received never so little grievance, then doth he 
make it her Majesty's charge, and, under colour 
of that, maketh her Majesty bear all, or most part, 
of his Ordinary and Extraordinary also. The true 
note of all his disbursements by all the said time is 
kept by the said Master-shipwright, which, being 
compared with his books, will show and set forth 
his deceitful gain. And for that he can botch up 
the ships no longer, but that they must needs come 
to new building, he will not continue his bargain. 
He saith he will lie in prison rather. He will give 
over all to her Majesty, hoping to go away with 
that he hath most deceitfully gained, and to leave 
3,ooo/. or 4,ooo/. a year charge more to her Majesty 
than heretofore. 

It is to be proved that he hath made a gain of 
her Majesty in all his bargains for new making, 
both in the price and also in gain upon timber and 
planks, which he bringeth in by her Majesty's 
commission, rating it at 25 which cost him 18 ; and 
so dealeth he in her Majesty's storehouse by thrust- 
ing in what he listeth how bad soever, Lynn and 
Boston rope instead of Dantzig and Muscovy, and 
at what price he listeth ; and so in like sort doth he 


and his friends with canvas and other provisions 
whatsoever ; and whereas he and his fellow Officers 
should be surveyors, controllers, and savers for her 
Majesty, they are savers of themselves and make 
the bargains to their own profits. 

As to his i,2OO/. per annum for moorings, his 
own confession of dividing and sharing that doth 
show his gain therein ; but it may be said for him in 
that, that he hath performed his bargain therein, 
though not in the rest, and so is not to account for 
any profits. I answer, he hath moored them in 
truth, although very badly and dangerously, with 
cables of less length than fit or accustomed, and 
which is worse, where her Majesty was wont to have 
sufficient store of good oakum for her said ships 
made out of the remains of the said moorings, now 
they serve him to new make into cordage, which 
maketh a monstrous deceit and is the cause of much 
danger, and the refuse of that false and deceitful 
cordage is converted into oakum, which is most 
dangerous to the state of the navy, to be proved by 
all the workmen that have been in the late works at 
Chatham to have been found in the said ships, and 
to be so bad and insufficient, as aforesaid. 

For the i,8oo/. per annum which he hath re- 
ceived for wages, his profit must needs be great 
therein, by dead pays which remain to him when 
the ships are employed or in repairing, which, with 
the great profit he maketh of colourable and feigned 
deliveries out of provisions, and no account for receipt 
of remains, must be collected and gathered by 
examining of the Master-pursers and other Officers 
of the navy. 

Besides all this, he hath the benefit of her 
Majesty's commission for provision of timber, plank, 
&c. By this he hath gained greatly, and abused 
her Majesty's subjects marvellously, which is 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 257 

grievously cried out upon in her Majesty's loyal 
county of Kent. I can manifestly prove it, that he 
repaired his own ship called the Primrose, and the 
bark Talbot, with timber out of her Majesty's yard 
at Deptford, being marked timber and brought 
thither by commission. It will be proved also that 
those ships which he builded and coloureth in the 
name of his wife to have been builded with the like, 
and that sugar chests are made with the like timber 
and sent for Barbary as his wife's commodities. 
Moreover, not contented with this, he is partner 
with Chapman, who in his yard vendeth to great 
profit the like timber and plank, and Sir Walter 
Ralegh's ships were there builded with the same ; 
and yet for their private profits the great ship which 
is put to her Majesty was made to amount to so 
great a charge that her Highness did pay, as it is 
credibly reported, 4,ooo/. for the same, being i,ooo/. 
more than the price whereat her Majesty may have 
a better. 1 

The premises considered, the said Mr. Hawkyns 
is not only in respect of his said deceits and con- 
tempts committed against her Majesty and common- 
weal, to be committed to her Majesty's mercy, but 
also by a direct law to be charged capitally for using 
her Majesty's commission to his own private com- 
modities ; for justice wherein the danger of my life 
and loss of my blood crieth out. So may her 
Majesty recall her concealed treasure out of his and 
his friends' deceitful possession, and therewith supply 
the aged and decayed state of her Highness's navy, 
which will require no less than 3O,ooo/. within six 
years, in which time, by good opinions, there are 
needfully to be builded at least sixteen. 

1 Probably referring to the Ark Ralegh ; see p. 283. Howard 
considered it a very good bargain. See Defeat of the Armada, 
i- 85. 





[S.P. Dom. Eliz. clii. 19.1 ! 
January, Anno 1581 (i.e. 1582) 

The Wages for the Officers of the Queen s Ships at 
Sea determined by the Officers of the Navy, 
which are not to be exceeded, viz? 

[Class I. 800 tons and upwards.^ 

Elizabeth Jonas, Triumph, White Bear, Victory. 

s. d. 

The Master, per mensem . . 2 i 8 . 

Two Mates . . . . .118 

A Boatswain . . . . .118 

Two Mates . . . . .0118 

Four Quartermasters . . .0168 

Their Mates . . . . .0118 

A Yeoman of the tacks . . .0118 

A Coxswain . . . . .0118 

His Mate . . . . .092 

A Yeoman of the jere 3 . . .0118 

His Mate o 9 2 

A Purser o 16 8 

A Cook . . . . . .0118 

Two Mates . . . . .092 

A Steward . . . . .0118 

Two Mates . . . . .092 

A Master Carpenter . . .0168 

Two Mates . . . . .0118 

A Swabber . . . . .092 

1 This is a small quarto paper book not entirely rilled up. It 
is corrected and explained in places by interlineations written in 
a hand that closely resembles that of Hawkyns. 

2 For the scale of pay it will be seen the ships are divided 
into six classes, but no regular system of ' rates ' existed. For 
practical purposes ships were usually regarded as of the greater 
sort, the middle sort, and the lesser sort. 

:i A 'jeer-rope ' Boteler defines as 'a piece of a hawser made 




SPANISH WAR 1585-7 259 


A Master Gunner . . . .0100 

Two Mates . . . . .076 

Four Quartermasters l . . .076 

Their Mates . . . . .076 

A Surgeon . . . . . o 1 5 o V | 

His two men . . . . .068 

Four Trumpeters . . . .0150 

A Drum and Fife . . . .0100 
A Pilot . 100 

[Class II. from 500 to 800 tons.] 

Mary Rose, Bonaventure, Lion, Phill and Mary, Hope, Revenge. 

A Master, per mensem . . . 2 10 o 

Two Mates . . . . o 16 8 

A Boatswain . . . . . o 16 8 

His Mate o n 8 

Four Quartermasters. . . . o n 8 

Their Mates . . . . .092 

A Yeoman of the jere . . .0118 

A Yeoman of the tacks . . .0118 

A Coxswain . . . . .0118 

His Mate . . . . .092 

A Purser . . . . . .0118 

A Cook on 8 







fast to the main-yard and foreyard close at the ties of great ships 
(for small ones have them not), and so reeved through a block, 
which is seized close to the top, and so comes down and is again 
reeved through a block at the bottom of the mast close by the 
deck ; and great ships have one on one side of the ties, and 
another on the other ; and their use is to help hoise up the yard, 
and especially to succour the ties and to keep the yard from 
falling down if the ties should break.' The ties he defines as 
' the ropes by which the yards do hang, and they carry up the 
yards when the halliards are strained to hoise the yard.' 

1 Probably the petty officers, usually called quarter-gunners 
i.e. gunner's quartermasters. 

s 2 


* d. 

A Steward 

. o ii 8\ M 

Two Mates 

. 9 ,4 

A Master Carpenter 

. o 16 8 1 ii 

A Mate .... 

' ' 8 [ ^ | 

Another Mate . 


A Swabber 

. 092; 

A Master Gunner . 

. O IO O \ 

Two Mates 

. 076 

Four Quartermasters 

. 076 


Their Mates . 

o 7 6 "P 

A Surgeon 

. o 15 o y g 

His man .... 

. o 6 8 

Two Trumpeters 

. o 15 o ^ 

A Drum and Fife . 

. O 10 O 

A Pilot .... 

. I O O 

An Admiral 1 three Trumpeters. 

[Class III. from 300 

to 500 tons.~\ 

Dreadnought, Swiftsure, Antelope, 

Swallow, Foresight. 

A Master, per mensem 

. i 16 8^ 

A Mate .... 

. o 16 8 d. 

A Boatswain 

. o ii 8 

A Mate .... 


. o 9 2 >. 

Four Quartermasters . 

. on 8 <u 

Four Mates 

. 0920; 

A Purser .... 

. o n 8"ljj 

A Cook .... 

. on 8[JJ 

A Steward 

.011 8 

Two Mates 


9 2 A 

A Master Carpenter . 

. o ii 8 ^ 

A Mate .... 

. o 9 2 $ 

A Coxswain 

. o 9 2 Q 

A Swabber 


1 Meaning if the ship is commissioned as an ' admiral ' or flag- 

SPANISH WAR 1585-7 261 

A Master Gunner . . . .0100 

A Mate 076 

Four Quartermasters . . . .076 

Four Mates . . . . .076 

A Surgeon. . . . . . o 1 5 o ) | 

His man . . . . . .068 

A Drum and Fife . . . o 10 8 

A Trumpeter . . . . .0150 

A Pilot o 16 8/ 

An Admiral two Trumpeters. 

[Class IV. from 200 to 300 tonsJ] 

Aid, Bull, Tiger. 

A Master, per mensem . . .1118 

A Mate 1 1 8 

A Boatswain . . . . . 1 1 8 

A Mate ... . . . 92 

Four Quartermasters . . . . 1 1 8 

Four Mates . . . . . 92 

A Purser . . . . . . 1 1 8 

A Cook 1 1 8 

A Steward . . . . . 1 1 8 

Two Mates ..... 9 2 

A Master Carpenter . . . . 1 1 8 

A Mate 92 

A Swabber ..... 76 
A Master Gunner . . . .100 

A Mate 76 

Four Quartermasters. ... 76 

Their Mates 76 

A Surgeon . . . . . 15 o 

A Pilot 16 8 

A Trumpeter . . . . . 150 

A Drum and Fife . . . . 10 o 





[Class V. from 100 to 200 tons.~] 

Scout, Handmaid, Achates. 

s. d 

A Master, per mensem . . . i 16 \ 

A Mate 1 1 : 

Four Quartermasters . . 1 1 \ 

Their Mates . . . . . 9 : 

A Boatswain 1 1 8 } .fr 

A Mate 92 

A Purser, Cook, and Steward . . 1 1 8 
A Master Carpenter . . .118 

A Mate 9 2 ' Q 

A Master Gunner . . . . 10 o 

A Mate 76 

Two Quartermasters . ..76 
Two Mates ..... 7 6 
A Surgeon . . . . .150 
A Trumpeter . . . . .150 
A Drum and Fife . . . .100 
A Pilot 15 o 

[Class VI. Pinnaces.^ 


A Master, per mensem . . .118 

A Mate n 8 

Two Quartermasters . . .118 

A Boatswain 11 8 

A Purser, Cook, and Steward . . 92 
A Carpenter . . . . .118 
A Master Gunner . . . .100 

A Mate 76 

A Drum and Fife . . . . 10 o 
A Trumpeter . . . . .150 






^- o 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 263 


Victuals and Provisions necessary for Men. 

/Beer, i pipe . . . . ^ ton 
Bread, 112 Ibs. 
Beef, 128 Ibs. 
Salt and cask, 56 Ibs. 

Fish, butter, cheese, 79 lbs. y 
l,Wood and water . 

o X 

O C/5 



Burden and tonnage. For transporting of vic- 
tuals and provisions necessary for men in warlike 
service at the seas, every 4 men for one month of 
28 days are to be allowed in shipping one ton and 
a half tonnage. So will the provision of 400 
men one month require a ship of 100 tons burden 
and stowage, but a tonnage 150 tons. 1 

Men. The shipping that are employed for trans- 
portation are allowed men to sail them after the 
rate for every 5 tons of tonnage i man. 

Prest and conduct. For prest, conduct, and 
presters' charges calling to service, at 2s. ^d. per man. 

Sea wages and victuals. For wages and victuals 
for them after the rate of 24^. every man per men- 
sem, dead shares and rewards in the same accounted. 

Rigging wages and victuals. Wages and victuals 
for 7 days for taking in the victuals, at 6s. per man. 


By the proportion of breadth, depth, and length 

1 For the system of Elizabethan tonnage measurement,' see 
Oppenheim, p. 132, and Drake and the Tudor Navy, ii. 451. 



of any ship or vessel, to judge what burden she 
may be of in merchants' goods and how much of 
dead weight or ton and tonnage. 

The Ascension, 1 of London, being in breadth 
24. feet, deep from that breadth to the keel* 1 12 feet, 
and by the keel in length** 1 54 feet, doth carry in 
burden of merchants' goods (in pipes of oil, or Bor- 
deaux wine), 1 60 tons ; but to account her in dead 
weight or for ton and tonnage there might be added 
one-third part of the same burden, which maketh her 
tonnage 213^ tons. 

After the former rate these proportions follow : 




Burden in Dead 

at mid-ship 

from her 

by the 

cask, oil or 












A ship of . . 






A ship of . . 




I2 T 5 


Prudence, of 

London . . 

[23] 2 4 

[Hi] 12 


[152] 150$ 


Golden Lion 



1 14 r 


( 4 3 1 

| 4 6ii 

1 537 





i Eliz. Jonas . . 





9 86| 

To find the burden of any ship proportionally to 
the Ascension before specified (or to any other ship 
or vessel whose burden you know certain), multiply 
the breadth of her by her depth, and the product by 
her length at the keel, the amounting sum (which 
for the Ascension is 15,552) you shall use for your 
divisor, and say 

If 15,552 (the [cubical 3 ] solid number for the 
Ascension) do give 160 tons (her just burden), what 
shall 8,400 (the [cubical 3 ] solid number of a ship 20 
foot in breadth, 10 foot deep, and 42 foot by the keel) 
work, and you shall find 86f f tons of burden where- 

1 MS. Assention. 2 Italics interlined. 

3 Words and figures in [ ] are erased in original. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 265 

unto if you add ^ part of the same, you shall find 
her tonnage 1 14 and almost . 




For the Wars. 

For service in warlike manner the ship is to be 
rated by her tonnage in dead weight, and to allow 
for every 5 tons 3 men, of which number the ^ part 
to be soldiers, and the \ part of the rest gunners, the 
residue mariners. 

That is to say, for a ship of 500 tons : 

Soldiers, 100 j 

Gunners, 28 \ Amounteth 300 men. 

Mariners, 172 ) 

For Merchant Voyages. 

1. For service in merchant voyages for merchan- 
dises, the ship is to be accounted by the tonnage of 
her burden in cask as aforesaid, and the common 
rate is to allow for every 5 tons one man, that is for 
a ship of 500 tons burden 75 men, whereof the ^ 
part gunners, the rest mariners viz. : 

Mariners, 69 ) A . 

^ Amounteth 75 men. 

Gunners, oo j 

2. In some service for the merchant to augment 
the strength for some special purpose they will allow 
for every 4 tons one man. 

3. Again some other serving in merchant voyages 
do allow but one man for every 6 tons of burden. 





Unto every foot of the ship or vessel's breadth 
at the midship beam allow \ an inch for circumfer- 
ence of her best cable, being tarred and of such 
goodness as Dantzig, Konigsberg, 1 or Russia 
making ; but if the stuff be finer, as are used 
white in the Levant seas, then may the sizes be 
less according to the goodness and making of the 

For the second and third sort the sizes may be 
lesser viz. : 


To fit a ship of 32 foot at midship beam, 
Her best cable for sheet 

anchor ought to be . 16 
The second sort . 15 

The third . . .14 

The fourth . . -1 

inches of 

When the best cable is of circumference 10 
inches and upwards, the second and third sort may 
follow in proportion, as in the former example, but 
if the best be under 10 inches compass, then it shall 
not be necessary to have more sizes to the best than 
the second sort only, which may be in proportion as 
in the former example. 

From 1 6 inches circumference to 10 inches, the 
sizes of cables may be best, second, and third. 

From 1 6 inches the best cable upwards, the sizes 
may be best, second, third, and fourth. 

1 MS. Danske and Coinsborowe. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 267 


A cable of 1 6 inches circumference being tarred, 
and of the goodness of stuff and making as before 
specified, will require an anchor to fit the same 
(being made as below in the proportion of anchors) 
of 1 6 cwt, accounting the cwt 112. This scantling 
and weight I account fit, and in mean proportion. 

Take, therefore, the square of 1 6 inches circumfer- 
ence, which is 256, and let that number be always 
your divisor, and say : 

If 256, the square of 16 inches circumference, 
give an anchor of 16 cwt, what weight of anchor 
shall . the square of . (such circumference of 
cable as you desire to know) require to have ? 
Multiply and divide, so shall you in the quotient find 
your desire. 


If 256 give 1 6 cwt., then 400 (which is the 
square of 20 inches circumference) shall give 25 

Again, if 256 give 16 cwt, then 144 (the square 
of 12 inches circumference) shall give 9 cwt. 


Breadth at Circumference Weight of best 

midship beam. of best cable. anchor. 

Foot Inches Cwt. qrs. Ibs. 

44 . 22 . 30 i o 

40 . 20 . 25 o o 

38 . IQ . 22 2 7 


Breadth at Circumference Weight of best 

midship beam.' of best cable. anchor. 

Foot Inches Cwt. qrs. Ibs. 

36 . 18 . .20 o ii 

34 . 17 . 18016 

32 . 16 . 1600 

30 . 15 . 14 o 7 

28 14 12 I O 

26 . 13 . 10 2 7 

24 . 12 . QOO 

22 . II . 727 

2O . IO . 6211 

18 9 507 
16 8 400 
14 7-307 

12 6 . 2 I O 

10 5 127 
8 . 4 i o o 
6 3.027 

Euclid, Book xii. Prop. 2. 1 Circles or circular 
planes are in that proportion the one to the other that 
the squares of their diameters are. And forasmuch as 
circumferences of all circles have one and the same 
proportion to their own diameters, the squares of 
the circumferences must necessarily have one and the 
same proportion to the squares of their diameters. 
And therefore circles (or circular planes) shall have 
also such proportion as the squares of their circum- 
ferences. 2 

1 MS. 'Eucl. 2 of 12.' 

2 Here follows a figure to illustrate the proposition. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 269 



[clxxxv. 33. Holograph and addressed.] 

My duty in humble manner remembered unto 
your good Lordship, I do send herewith the book 
which your Lordship commanded me to make, the 
substance whereof your Lordship may briefly see 
in the latter end of the book, and so by the paging 
see the charge particularly either for the whole 
navy for three months with all their company, or 
else for three months for their transportation to 
Portsmouth with a third part of their numbers. 1 

I do also send your Lordship a note to show 
how fit and commodious it would be to augment 
the sailors' wages, which no doubt would greatly 
strengthen and benefit the service and nothing at 
all increase the charge. Your Lordship may with 
honour and safety prefer it. 

I have received two letters for wheat to be had 
out of Kent and a letter for elms from Reading, 2 
for which I humbly thank your good Lordship, and 
I humbly take my leave from London the 28th of 
December 1585. 

Your honourable Lordship's ever most bounden, 


1 The scheme of naval mobilisation which had been estab- 
lished early in the reign provided Tor a state of semi-mobilisation, 
under which the fleet was concentrated at its summer quarters at 
Portsmouth, and manned by one-third of its full war comple- 

2 MS. Redynge. 



\First Enclosure^ 



The 27th of December, 1585. 

The names of all the Queen's Majesty's ships with 
their tonnage and number of mariners, gunners, 
and soldiers, viz. : 2 


The Triumph 


900 The Elizabeth Jonas 

900 The White Bear 

800 The Victory 

650 The Hope 

500 The Nonpareil 






200 J 
















40 r 








i io) 














1 Endorsement. 

2 Neither the Elizabeth Bonaventure nor the Aid, which were 
in commission with Drake, are included in this list. At the foot 
of the first page Burghley has noted the ' Eliz. Bonaventure.' 
Before 1588 three fine galleons, the Ark, Rainbow, Vanguard, and 
several smaller vessels were added. 

3 MS. Non Pereley. 





1 80 
I 2O 
I 2O 

1 Against this Burghley has written ' The New Tiger.' She 
had been rebuilt in 1570, but no trace of a recent ' new making ' 



Mary Rose . -j Gunners, 

















Revenge . . j Gunners, 






Dreadnought . Gunners, 



( Mariners, 




Swiftsure . j Gunners, 

20 1 







Antelope . -j Gunners, 


( Soldiers, 


( Mariners, 




Swallow . . j Gunners, 


( Soldiers, 



I 2O] 



Foresight. . I Gunners, 






1 60 


Bull ... 








1 60 


Tiger l 







1 20 


Scout . . - 





appears in the accounts. 
See ante, p. 249. 

She was probably a new purchase. 









56 1 

The Achates 

. . 





The Galley 





V/"\ MO 

OJlcl . 



The Merlin 

j Mariners, 

2O 1 


The George 

j Mariners, 
j Gunners, 



j Mariners, 


1 en pinnaces 



Total . 

(Mariners, 3,5 50] 
1 Gunners, 524^ 


TTl f> f^ 

(Soldiers, 1,646) 






An estimate of the charge for the furnishing to 
the seas in warlike manner 20 of her Majesty's ships 
and vessels before named, for one month of 28 days 
to the month. And so consequently for two months 
and for three months : 

[A. Treasurer's Department.] 

Prest and Conduct l * d. 

First for the prest and conduct in 
calling to service of 4,030 
mariners and gunners out of 
divers shires, at JS. every man . 1,410 10 o 

1 The procedure in calling out seamen for service was to 
issue a precept for the numbers required to the local officials of 
each district or place. On receipt of this they summoned all 
seamen to appear before them. Those selected were served with 
official notice to proceed to headquarters, and given prest and 
conduct (i.e. travelling money) and an itinerary setting out their 
most direct route and specifying sleeping places, &c. See MS. 
by Robert Humphrey in the Pepysian Library at Cambridge. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 273 

Item for the prest and conduct of s - d - 
1,690 soldiers, to be had as 
aforesaid, at 4^. every man . 338 o o 

Coat Money 

Item for the coat money of the said 

soldiers, at 4^. every man . 338 o o 

Rigging Wages 

Item for the rigging wages of 2,000 
mariners, gunners, and soldiers, 
for one week, at 2od. every 
man . . . . . 166 13 4 

Sea Wages 

Item for sea wages of 5,720 mariners, 
gunners, and soldiers, for one 
month, at 9^. 4^. every man 
per mensem .... 2,669 6 8 

Sea Store 

Item for sea store of the said ships, 
being 20 in number, at 4O/. 
every ship .... 800 o o 

Conduct in Discharge 

Item for conduct in discharge of 

4,030 mariners and gunners, at 

6s. every man .... 1,209 o 
Item for like conduct in discharge of 

the said 1,690 soldiers, at 35. 

every man .... 253 10 o 

Total of the Treasurer is 7,185 o o 


Memorandum. There is nothing required for 
loss of boats, cocks, waste and wear of tackle, 
cables, anchors, sails, masts, &c. 

[B. Victualling Department] 

Rigging Victual 

The Victualler's charge for one s - d - 
month of 28 days viz., for the 
rigging victual of the said 2,000 
men for 7 days, at $\d. the 
man per diem . . . . 160 8 4 

Sea Victual 

For the sea victual of the said 5,720 
mariners, gunners, and soldiers, 
at 145. the man per mensem . 4,004 o o 


For transporting of one month's 
victual for the aforesaid 20 ships 
from London to Chatham, at 5/. 
every ship .... 100 o o 

Total of the Victualler is 4,264 8 4 

\_Tota Is. ~\ 

The whole charge for the first month 

is ...... 11,449 & 4 

The whole charge for the second 

month is . . . . . 6,773 6 8 
The whole charge for the third 

month is . . . . . 6,773 6 8 

The whole three months' charge is . 24,996 i 8 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 275 


The names and burden of 22 merchant ships 
meet to join with her Majesty's ships if need re- 
quire, viz. : 

[Tons] [Men] 

300 The Edward Bonaventure . .160 

200 The Solomon, of London . .120 

300 Shoppley's ship, of Dartmouth . 160 

200 The Centurion . . . .120 

200 The Ascension . . . .120 

200 The Prudence . . . .120 

200 The Charity . . . .120 

300 The Susan . . . .160 

200 The Red Lion . . . .120 

1 80 The Amity .... 100 

200 The Golden Noble . . .120 

200 The Minion . . . .120 

1 80 The Mary Rose. . . . 100 

300 The Lion, being a new ship of 

Mr. Cokayne's . . .160 

200 The George Bonaventure . 1 20 

1 20 The Violet .... 80 

140 The Brave .... 90 

180 The Primrose, of London . .100 

140 The Anne F ranees, of Aldborough 90 

1 60 The Samaritan, of London. . 80 

140 The Bark Taylor, of London . 90 

140 The Mary Katherine, of London 90 

2,540 in all. 

The charge of the 22 merchant ships to be con- 
tinued in service three months with their numbers 
wholly furnished, will amount unto, by estimation, 
1 2,000 1. 

If they continue three months without calling 
of their full numbers (as her Majesty's ships do), 

T 2 


then the charge of the said 22 ships will be but 

If it shall please her Majesty to make an 
augmentation of ten merchant ships more, then the 
charge must be increased 6,ooo/. more, and there 
shall be nominated ten of the best and serviceablest 
ships that are to be found within the realm (whereof 
there are great plenty), which charge of 6,ooo/. 
must be added to the great warrant. 

So that the charge of all the merchant ships 
will be i8,ooo/. 


The numbers of the mariners and gunners 
which are meet to serve in her Majesty's ships to 
convey them to the Isle of Wight : 

Mariners Gunners Men 

The Elizabeth Jonas . . 200 30 230 

The Triumph . . . 200 30 230 

The White Bear . . . 200 30 230 

The Victory . . . .150 24 174 

The Mary Rose . . .100 20 120 

The Hope .... 100 20 120 

The Lion .... 100 20 120 

The Nonpareil . . . 100 20 120 

The Revenge . . .100 20 120 

The Dreadnought. . . 80 16 96 

The Swiftsure . . . 80 16 96 

The Antelope . . . 70 12 82 

The Swallow . . . 70 12 82 

The Foresight . . . 60 12 72 

The Bull .... 40 10 50 

The Tiger .... 40 10 50 

The Scout .... 30 8 38 

The Achates ... 30 8 38 

The Galley Bonavolia . . 140 10 150 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 277 

Mariners Gunners Men 

The Merlin 16 4 20 

The George . . . . 1 6 o 1 6 

Ten Pinnaces . . . 100 10 no 

2,364 men in all. 


An estimate of the charge for to carry and trans- 
port the whole Navy of her Majesty from Chatham 
to the Isle of Wight, to be ready for that purpose 
at Chatham by the roth of March next : 

[A. Treasurer's Department.] 
Prest and Conduct 

For the prest and conduct of 2,284 ^ s ' d ' 

mariners and gunners to be 
taken out of London and the 
River of Thames, Yorkshire, 
Lincolnshire, Newcastle, Suffolk, 
Norfolk, Essex and Kent, at 
65. every man with the Presters' 
charges ..... 685 4 o 

Rigging Wages 

For the rigging wages of 500 men 

for 21 days, at 5^. per man . 125 o o 

Sea Store 

For the sea store of 20 ships viz., 
bowls, buckets, shovels, scoops, 
boats' oars, compasses, running 
glasses, deep-sea lines, sounding 
leads, flat lead, salt hides, flags 
of St. George, nails of all sorts, 
canvas, twine, marline, rat- 
line, &c. ..... 800 o o 


Sea Wages 

For the sea wages of 2,284 mariners > s - d - 
and gunners for one month, of 
28 days to the month, at qs. ^d. 
every man per mensem . . 1,065 1 7 4 

Conduct in Discharge 

For conduct in discharge of the 
said 2,284 mariners and gunners, 
at 55. every man . . . 571 o o 

The Treasurer's charge is 3,247 i 4 

[B. Victualling Department.] 

The Victualler's charge for one month of 28 
days : 

Rigging Victuals 

For the rigging victuals of 500 men 
for 31 days, at gs. j^d. every 
man ..... 240 12 6 

Sea Victuals 

For the sea victuals of 2,284 men 
for one month of 28 days, at 
14^. every man . . . 1,598 16 o 


For the transportation of one month's 
victuals for the said 2,284 men 
from London to Chatham . 50 o o 

The Victualler's charge is . 1,889 8 6 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 279 

Item. That one month's wages and s - d - 

victuals more for the said 2,284 

men will be . . . . 2,714 13 4 
Item. That if this charge be con- 
tinued three months then the 

whole charge will amount unto . 10,565 16 6 
So as if the service require none 

other number to be called to 

serve in the ships there will be 

spared out of the Great Warrant 

of 25,000 (before demanded) 

near to the sum of . . . 14,500 o o 



If there be likelihood to proceed to the calling 
of greater numbers to the ships then always upon 
8 days' warning their full numbers may be aboard 
the ships, which numbers are to be called out of 
the west parts and such counties as are not far from 

Item. It is to be considered that if the 22 
merchant ships shall be employed to accompany 
her Majesty's ships, then the one half of the charge 
required for her Majesty's ships is to be demanded 
for the said merchant ships. 

Item. It is to be considered that provision of 
victuals, cask, brewhouses and bakehouses be in a 
readiness at Portsmouth to supply the ships with 
victual as the service may require. 

Item. It shall be necessary that to the warrant 
granted for this service there be added the charge 
for the furnishing of the 22 merchant ships, which 
will be by estimation i2,ooo/. So as the whole 
warrant will be 37,ooo/. or thereabouts. Yet there 



shall not need to issue out of this Great Warrant 
any more than the service shall require from time 
to time, whereof the Treasurer and Victualler may 
inform the Lord Treasurer as need shall be. 

Item. It is to be considered that the merchant 
ships which shall be called to service are to be 
relieved with cordage and canvas out of her 
Majesty's storehouse, whereof a provision is to be 
made forthwith to the sum of 3,ooo/. worth, which 
said sum must be disbursed presently. 

An Abstract or Substance of this Book. 

What the Great Warrant must include 

First, for the charge of three months 

for all her Majesty's own ships 

as appeareth page 3 . 
Secondly, the charge of 32 merchant 

ships as appeareth in page 4 
Thirdly, the charge of cordage and 

canvas as appeareth in page 7 . 

So as the whole warrant must be 

What charge must issue out of the Great Warrant 
if the ships stand in order with their smaller 
numbers three months. 

First, for the charge of all her 

Majesty's own ships for three 

months ..... 
Secondly, for the 32 merchant ships 
Thirdly, for a provision of cordage 

and canvas 













10,567 16 
5,284 o 

3,000 o o 
Total is ,18,851 16 6 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 281 

[Second Enclosure} 1 

THE 28 DECEMBER, 1585. 




First, if it might please her Majesty to allow for 
the medium of all servitors an increase of 45. Sd. the 
man by the month, it would fall out to be to every 
man (one with the other) 6d. by the day ; so as the 
common man that had but 6s. Sd. by the month 
shall have 105., and so every officer will be increased 
after that rate a third part more in his wages. 2 

By this means her Majesty's ships would be 
furnished with able men, such as can make shift for 
themselves, keep themselves clean 8 without vermin 
and noisomeness, which breedeth sickness and mor- 
tality, all which could be avoided. 

The ships would be able to continue longer in 
the service that they should be appointed unto, 4 
and would be able to carry victuals for a longer 

There is no captain or master exercised in service 
but would undertake with more courage any enter- 
prise with 250 able men than with 300 of tag and 
rag, and assure himself of better success. 

The wages being so small causeth the best men to 

1 This document is in triplicate. A copy of it also appears 
in Defeat of the Armada, ii. app. D. 

2 In the margin Burghley notes ' Increase of every man per 
mensem 4^. &/., per diem will be 6d. per diem. So every man 
shall have icxr.' 

3 ' Clear ' in one copy. 

4 ' That should be appointed to serve ' in one copy. 


run away, to bribe, and make mean to be cleared from 
the service. And insufficient, unable, and unskilful 
persons supply the place, which discourages the 
captains, masters, and men that know what service 

If it shall please her Majesty to yield unto this 
increase, her Highness's service would be far safer 
and much bettered, and yet the charge nothing 
increased, as for example : 

The charge of the Lion for one month's wages 
and victual of 300 men, after 1 the old rate of 235. ^d. 
per man, doth amount unto 35O/. 

The same ship being now furnished with 250 
able men, after the new rate of 28^. (wages and 
victuals) for every man per mensem, will amount 
unto (even as before) monthly, 35O/. 2 

So as all the commodities are obtained without 
any increase of charge to her Majesty. 

The sailors also, in consideration of her 
Majesty's gracious liberality, shall be bound for 
to bring into the said service every man his sword 
and dagger. 


[S.P. Dom. cxciv. 70. Endorsed in Burghley's hand ' per Edw. 
Bash.' 3 ] 

A brief declaration of the names of the Queen's 
Majesty's ships and pinnaces, with the number of 
men appointed for the keeping of the same lying in 
harbour, together with the increase of one half- 

1 ' Being ' in one copy. 

2 Against this Burghley notes : 'It is 14^. for victuals and 
9-y. 4d. for wages. The increase will be 45. &d., and so the charge 
of the victual and the wages shall be equal.' 

3 Edward Baeshe, the veteran Surveyor of the Victuals, one 
of the chief officers of the navy. 



penny by the day a man for the number of the same 
ship keepers, as hereafter followeth, viz. : 


MAJESTY'S SHIPS. Arf.[.the man 

i. The names of the ships The total per diem of 

of Old : viz.. at increase 


The Elizabeth Jonas 1 8 \ 

The Triumph . .18 

The White Bear . 18 

The Victory . .17 

The Ark Ralegh ' . 16 

The Hope . .12 

The Mary Rose . 12 

The Revenge . .12 

The Bonaventure . 12 

The Lion . .11 

The Nonpareil, some- 

time the Philip and 

$d. per diem 

Mary . . .11 

of old 

The Dreadnought . 9 

amounteth j. d. 

The Swiftsure . . 9 

to . IO 4 Q| 

The Antelope . . 9 

The Swallow . . 9 


The Foresight . . 9 

^d. le piece 

The Aid . . .7 

per diem 

The Tiger . . 6 


The Bull ... 6 

to . . 9__5| 

The Scout . . 5 

[< ii 61 

The Achates . . 4 


The Merlin . . 2 

The Jennet . . 2 

The galley Bonavolia, 

sometime the galley 

Eleanor - . .4 

The Handmaid . 3 

The George Hoy . 2 

In all : ships, 25 ; men, 

227. / 

Per mensem 
28 days 

Per annum 

145 13 



13 4 io 
[158 18 o] 

172 12 3| 
[2071 7 6] 

1 Inserted by Burghley. She had probably been bought 
recently by the Queen from Ralegh, but she does not seem to 
have been launched till June 1587, and was not ready for sea in 
October. See Defeat of the Armada, ii. 332, and anfe, p. 228. 

2 This was the only galley remaining in the English service. 
She first appears on the lists in 1563, and seems to have been 
a French prize. (Oppenheim, Administration of the Navy, I. 
1 20, note.} When in 1584 she was rebuilt her name was changed 
to Bonavolia, perhaps to remove the stigma of serving in her, for 
rematori di bonavoglia was the Italian designation of free rowers 
who enlisted for the benches voluntarily. Cf., pp. 230, 313. 




MAJESTY'S SHIPS. Jrf. the man 

2. The names of the new The total - per diem of 

Per mensem 

ships and pinnaces ': viz., at 


28 days 

Per annum 


The Rainbow . .13 

The new ship at 

Woolwich - . 16 

The Tramontana 


$%d. per diem 

The Sun . 


of old 

The Moon 



s. d. 

s. d. 


The Brigantine 3 


to . 

25 8 


18 8 

468 8 


The Charles . 


The Advice 


The Trust 


-d. the man 

The Signet (lading) 


per diem 

The Greyhound 



The Makeshift 


to . 

2 4 

65 4 

40 ii 


The Spy . . 2 
In all : ships and pin- 


[i 8 o] 


4 o] 

[508 o 


naces, 13 ; men 56. 

Sum total of ships and pinnaces, 38. Men, 28; 

Sum total of \d. per diem 
Sum total of \d. per annum . 
Sum total of \d. per mensem . 
Sum total of $\d. per diem 
Sum total of $\d. per annum . 
Sum total of $\d. per mensem 

Sum total of all per annum 



1 1 















1 1 


2,582 7 6 

' Besides these 13 vessels turned out in 1586, 10 of the 
others were new or rebuilt within the last ten years viz. Revenge 
and Scout 1577, Merlin 1579, Bonaventure and Antelope 1581, 
Lion 1582, Brigantine 1583, Nonpareil and Bonavolia 1584. 

- The Vanguard. 

3 MS. 'Brigandine.' A brigantine in the sixteenth century 
was an oared vessel of the foyst type, and therefore classed in 
England with the pinnaces that is, in the class of small oared 
vessels with auxiliary oar propulsion. This class corresponded 
closely with the gunboats of the eighteenth century, which used 
sweeps. In an account for costs of protecting the anchorage at 
Chatham, signed by Wynter, Hawkyns, and Holstok, and dated 
January 1586 (S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 31), the whole navy is spoken 
of as ' Her Majesty's Ships, as well as Barks, Pinnaces, Brigantines 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 285 

[S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 43.] 

Officers usually in Her Majesty's ships, as, for 
example, the Lion : 

1 . The captain hath sometimes 20^. a day, some- 
times 26s. 8d. a day, according to the greatness of his 

2. The master hath 6s. Sd. by the month and 
7 dead shares, being $s. every share, which maketh 
in ail 8d. per mensem. 

4. The master's mate hath 6s. 8d. and 4 dead 
shares, which is 26s. Sd. per mensem. In this ship 
is allowed two mates. 

5. The pilot hath 6s. d. and, in reward, 8^. ^d. 
1 55. per mensem. 

6. The boatswain hath 6s. 8d. and 2 dead 
shares, which is i6s. Sd. per mensem. 

7. His mate hath 6s. Sd. and one dead share, 
which is i is. Sd. 

8. The boatswain hath two mates. 

9-12. Four quartermasters have apiece us. Sd. 
per mensem. 

13-16. Their four mates have 6s. Sd. apiece per 
mensem and half a dead share, which is 2s. 6d., and 
maketh in all 9^. id. for apiece per mensem. 

17. The steward hath (6s. 8d, and $s.) i is. 8>d. 

1 8. His mate (6^. Sd. and 2s. 6d.), QS. 2d. 

19. The cook, likewise, iis. Sd. 

20. His mate, likewise, <^s. 2d. 

and Frigates,' but the usual Elizabethan classification was ' Ships, 
Barks and Pinnaces' (see Appendix B). The name of this 
15rigantine seems to have been the Seven Stars (see Oppenheim, 
of. cit. p. 120, note), but it was never used. 

1 Endorsed 'January 1585 i.e. 1586.' The italicised passages 
are additions in Burghley's hand. 


21. Yeoman of the halliards, 1 likewise us. &/. 

21. Yeoman of the jere 2 likewise, us. %d. 

22. Yeoman of the sheet, i\s. %d. 

23. The surgeon, per mensem, i$s., as the pilot 

24. The purser, per mensem, 1 \s. %d. ut supra. 
25-28. Four trumpeters, per mensem, 155. 

apiece ut supra as the pilot. 

29. A drum, per mensem, 1 is. %d. 

30. A fife, per mensem, us. &d. 

31. The master gunner, per mensem, 6s. %d. 
and y. ^d. in reward. IDS. 

32. His mate, per mensem, js. 6d., in reward 
but lod. 

33. Four quartermasters' mates, 3 75. 6d., in 
reward but icd. 

37. A swabber, vel swepar, per mensem, i is. $>d. 
ut supra. 

Thirty -seven officers ; 4 all these are to have a 
third part, as the mariners shall have. 

Mariners and soldiers have had but 6s. 8d., and 
now are to have los. 


The above papers, when compared with those 
on pp. 185-191, 258, 272, present considerable diffi- 
culties as to what was rate of pay in Elizabeth's 
navy, both for seamen and officers. 

1 MS. 'Callyers.' 2 MS. 'gere.' Ante, p. 258. 

3 Perhaps a mistake for 'quarter-gunners.' The quarter- 
master's mates have been already scheduled. The practice 
seems to have been for the master gunner to have one or two 
' gunners' mates ' on small ships ; and ' quarter-gunners ' on large 
ones. From the Borough depositions we know the Lion carried 
' quarter-gunners.' 

4 It is really 38, counting the yeoman of the sheet inserted by 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 287 

I. Seamen 

Mr. Oppenheim's conclusions, as the result of 
his comprehensive researches, are as follows : 
' Until 1585 their wages remained at 6s. &d. a 
month, to which they had been raised n 1546 or 
very shortly afterwards. In 1585 the sailor's pay 
was raised to icxf. a month through the action of 
Hawkyns.' And again, ' Seamen's wages re- 
mained unchanged till the end of the reign ' of 
James I., when the rate reached 14^. a month 
(Administration of the Navy, pp. 134 and 197). 

We find Drake accordingly, in 1587, asking for 
pay at the rate of icw. a month, plus a ' reward ' of 
6s. 8d. ; that is, he asks for 61. for 1 2 months viz. : 
4 months' actual service, 2 months' extra pay ordered 
by the Queen, and 6 months granted by himself in 
lieu of prize money for the great carrack. Hawkyns, 
however, in auditing Drake's demand, takes the pay 
of the whole force at 14^. the month, 'as her 
Majesty doth ordinarily allow, diets of captains, 
dead shares, and rewards in the same accounted.' 
Turning to his ' Note for the Increase of the wages 
of the servitors by sea' (p. 281), we see the dis- 
crepancy between the two demands is only apparent. 
In Hawkyns's ' Note ' he says his proposed increase 
will work out at a 'medium,' that is, an average 
of 145. a man per month for all ranks, ranging up- 
wards from icxy. a head for the 'common man.' It 
is by this average rate of pay, then, for all ranks 
that Hawkyns was testing the approximate accuracy 
of Drake's total, just as in the mobilisation estimate 
of December 1585, before his proposed increase of 
45. 8d. per man had been granted, he calculates the 
pay of all ranks at gs. ^d. the man (see p. 273), 
when the actual pay of a seaman was still 6s. 8d. He 
also calculates on this same average of gs. ^d. in ' a 


note of the charge of ships remaining at sea,' dated 
25 January, 1586 (S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 34) ; so that 
Mr. Oppenheim's conclusion should probably be 
modified to the extent that Hawkyns's increase was 
ordered early in 1 586, and not in 1585. One lucrative 
season of general reprisal had no doubt made it 
difficult to get good men for the navy at the old rate. 

II. Officers 

The scale of officers' pay presents much greater 
difficulties. 'Until 1582,' writes Mr. Oppenheim, 
' the old system of paying the officers the wages of 
a common man per month, and adding to this a 
graduated proportion representing the dead shares 
and rewards, still continued. However, when wages 
were raised in that year, the dead shares and rewards 
were abolished, except as a form of expression, and 
each officer had a fixed sum per month according to 
the rate of his ship' (pp. cit. p. 152). 

Yet at the end of 1587 we see Drake still claim- 
ing pay for his officers both of the land and sea 
service on a scale of so many ' shares ' or ' pays ' of 
los. a month, plus the special reward of one old 
pay of 6s. &d. It is possible then that the old 
system was not regarded as having been put an end 
to by the order of 1582. If the schedule of that 
order, as well as the 'Lion' list of January, 1586, 
be examined, it will appear that all the amounts 
are calculated on the old system of dead shares and 
rewards. All ordinary sea-officers (that is, officers 
usual in all ships whether armed or not) are allotted 
one pay of 6s. %d. on the then new scale and so many 
dead shares or parts of dead shares, which were 
still calculated on the old rate of 5^. per pay. 
Officers peculiar to men-of-war are also allotted one 
pay of 6s. &d., but instead of the old dead shares 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 289 

they are given a ' reward ' consisting of one or 
more new pays or parts of a pay. Thus the master 
who was an officer common to war and merchant 
ships has in a first-class ship 2/. is. Sd., which is one 
pay of 6s. Sd. plus 355., or 7 old dead shares of $s. ; 
and so on down to the swabber, who has gs. 2d., which 
is one pay of 6s. Sd. plus 2s. 6d., or half a dead 
share. Of the officers peculiar to armed ships who 
receive ' rewards ' instead of dead shares the gunner 
has ios., which is 6s. Sd. plus 35-. \d., or half a pay ; 
his mates, js. 6d., which is 6s. 8d. plus lod. or one- 
eighth of a pay ; the trumpeters, 155., which is 6s. Sd. 
plus Ss. 4</. or one pay and a half; the pilot, i/. 
or 3 pays. In the list of the Lion's officers, dated 
January 1586, all amounts are also calculated by the 
old 55. dead shares, or by the new 6s. Sd. rewards. 
Where these are not actually stated Burghley has 
worked them out in the margin, as if he, at least, 
did not consider the system at an end. Drake in 
1586, when endeavouring to make up the pay of the 
Queen's crews to an amount that would leave them 
as well off as the merchant crews who were paid 
by a share of the profits, naturally made his calcula- 
tions on the basis of the traditional system, which 
he, too, clearly regarded as still subsisting. 

Further, it should be noted that, whatever was 
the intention of the Admiralty officers in 1582 as to 
fixing a permanent rate of officers' pay, they did 
not abide by it. For in January, 1586, immediately 
before Hawkyns' increase, the master of the Lion, 
a second rate, is allotted one pay and seven dead 
shares, or 2/. is. &d. in all, the proportion of a first rate, 
but in 1 582 he had 2/., which is 8 dead shares or 6 pays. 
His mates in 1586 are allotted 4 dead shares, making 
their monthly pay i/. 6s. Sd. against only 16^. Sd. in 
1582. The swabber in the same way is increased from 
93-. 2d. to i is. Sd., that is from a half to a whole dead 



share. The pilot, on the other hand, is reduced from 
2os. in 1582 to i$s. in 1586. The drum and fife are 
curiously raised from half a reward pay to a whole 
dead share. 

In the absence, therefore, of further evidence it 
seems necessary to regard the system of pay by dead 
shares and rewards as continuing after 1582, and 
that not as a form of expression only but exactly as 
it had existed before. 

One more scale of pay may be added. It is 
contained in some notes jotted down by Burghley 
on the fly-leaf of an account for ships in commission 
during 1585. Assigned to January, 1586, in the 
Domestic Calendar. They are as follows : 

The captain hath . i Ss. per diem. 

The master hath . . 40^. the month. 
The master's mate . 2os. 

Every of the 4 quarter- 
masters . . 1 6s. ,, 
The boatswain . .135. ^d. ,, 
His mate . . . los. ,, 
The medium before for 

every man . . qs. 8df. ,, 
The medium now shall 

be . . . . \\s. %d. ,, 
The surgeon . .20^. ,, 

The trumpeter . .155. 

The cockswain . . los. 

The steward . i2s. ^d. ,, 

The purser . . . los. 

Common mariner . 6s. %d. ,, 
Every man is allowed 

for victual . . 6d. a-day. 

From the notes about the new and old medium 
or average pay, it is clear Burghley was at the time 
considering Hawkyns's proposal. The last item 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 291 

shows it is intended for the 1582 scale, but the 
items do not tally with any of rates in the schedule 
of that order. A cockswain was only allowed to 
the first three rates, and it may be intended as a 
rough average of these three rates. It is, however, 
of little importance except as further evidence that 
the scale of 1582 can never have been adhered to 
very strictly. 

List of men fit to command ships. 
[8. P. Dom. clxxxvi. 8.] 

1. i. The Lord Howard, Lord Admiral 

2. 2. The Lord of Hunsdon, Lord 


3. 4. The Lord Henry Seymour. 

3. Lord Tho. Howard 2 

4. [The Lord Stafford.] 5. Lord 

Sheffild 2 
erased] 5. Sir James Croft, Knigkt. 

6. 7. Roger Manners, Esquire 

7. 8. Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, ab. 
absent 8. 6. Sir John Perrot, Knight, ab. 

[9. Sir William Wynter, Knight] 

10. 10. Sir Richard Constable, Knight 

ab. ii. ii. Sir Richard Greynvile, Knight 

12. 12. Sir Henry Berkley, Knight 

ab. 13. 9. Sir Francis Drake, Knight 

ab. 14. 13. Sir Richard Bingham, Knight 

15. 17. Clement Paston, Esquire 

1 I.e. 1586. In this paper the names are spelt very fanci- 

- Inserted by Burghley. 

U 2 



i6. 14. 


18. 1 6. 

19- 15- 

1 8. 









. 2 5-. 



ab. 25. 






ab. 1 7. 
ab. 1 8. 


John Hawkyns, Esquire 
William Holstok, Esquire 
George Beeston, Esquire 
Sir Henry Palmer, Esquire 
Fulke Greville, Esquire 
William Borough, Esquire 
John Cobham, Esquire 
Carew Ralegh, Esquire 
Anthony Jenkinson, Esquire 
Nicholas Gorges, Esquire 
] George Fenner, Esquire 
~ Edward Wynter, Esquire 

Cavendish, Esquire 
Bristowe, Esquire 
Bernard Drake, Esquire 

31. John Wynter, Esquire 

32. Benjamin Gonson, gent. 
[33.] Martin Frobiser, gent. 
[34.] Sir Francis Knollys, gent. 

35. Henry Bellingham, gent. 

36. William Hawkyns Senior, gent. 

37. James More, gent. 

38. W T illiam Wynter, gent. 

39. John Henslow, gentleman 

40. Christopher Baker, gent. 

41. Gilbert Yorke, gentleman 

42. Richard Drake, gent. 

43. John Ralegh, gent. 

44. George Ralegh, gent. 

45. Christopher Carleill, gent 

46. Thomas Fenner, gent. 

47. Edward Fenton, gent. 

48. John Chester, gent. 

49. William Fenner, gent. 

50. Thomas Bellingham, gent. 

51. Raymond, gent. 

52. Henry Spert, gent. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 293 

53. Edward Gorges, gent, 
ab. 54. John Vaughan, gent, 

ab. 55. Thomas Drake, gent. 

ab. 56. William Hawkyns, gent. 

57. Hugh Drake, gent. 

58. Drake, gent. 

59. Ambrose Digbye, gent. 

60. Thomas Bucke 

61. Thomas Gurley 

62. John Thomas 

63. Thomas Hampton 

64. Luke Ward 

65. Barnaby Rich 

66. Jeromy Turner 

67. Powle Kempe 

68. John Satchfield of Bristoe 

69. John Hopkins of Bristoe 

70. John Barker of Bristoe 

71. John Yonge 

72. John Hankin 

73. Robert Jolley 

74. Dufield 

75. John Grey 
ab. 76. Edward Moone 


Those marked with an asterisk occur also in ' A list of gentlemen and 
captains of the sea ' (Stowe MSS. 570, f. 132) circ. 1577. Those marked 
with two asterisks are noted in the same list as ' having served. ' 

1. ** Charles Howard, second Lord Howard of Effing- 
ham, born 1536, appointed Lord High Admiral 1585. In 
1570 he had been placed in command of the fleet mobilised 
to observe the Spanish fleet, which escorted the Queen of 
Spain from Flanders ; but he had seen little or no active 
service at sea. 

2. Henry Carey, first Lord Hunsdon. He had served 
as Warden of the East Marches ; Governor of Berwick ; 


in Norfolk's rebellion, when he defeated Lord Dacres at 
Carlisle; Captain-General of the Marches, 1580; Lord 
Chamberlain, 1583. The Queen's first cousin, as son of 
Mary Boleyn. 

3. * Henry Seymour, second son of the Earl of Hert- 
ford, who married Howard's sister, and grandson of the 
Duke of Somerset. Marked in the Stowe list as ' has not 
served, but fit to.' 

3#. Lord Thomas Howard, son of the fourth Duke of 
Norfolk, and grandson of the Earl of Surrey. No previous 

5. Edmund, Lord Sheffield, Howard's nephew. No 

50. * Sir James Croft. Siege of Boulogne 1544. Calais 
Marches 1550. Lord-Deputy of Ireland 1551. Convicted 
of treason under Mary, but appointed on Council of the 
North 1557. Warden of the Marches 1559. Dismissed 
for his conduct during the Scottish campaign 1560. Privy 
Councillor and Controller of the Household 1570. Was in 
receipt of a pension from Spain. 

6. * Roger Manners, brother to the fourth Earl of 
Rutland. Had served in the New Bark in 1554. An 
assiduous courtier, and the Duke's regular correspondent. 
(' Belvoir Papers,' 62 et passim. ' Hist. MSS. Com.' xii. iv.) 

7. * Sir Walter Ralegh, born about 1552, grandson of 
John Drake, of Exmouth. Had served with the Huguenots 
at Jarnac and Moncontour, and in the Low Countries with 
John Norreys in 1577-8. In 1578 had fitted out a mari- 
time expedition with his half-brother Sir Humphry 
Gilberte, himself commanding a vessel. Taking of Smerwick 
in Ireland 1580. Knighted 1584. Captain of the Guard 

8. Sir John Perrot, reputed natural son of Henry VIII., 
made by Elizabeth Vice- Admiral of South Wales Seas. 
First President of Munster ; resigned the office in 1573. 
Commanded the Revenge and a squadron on the west coast 
of Ireland in 1579 to intercept Spanish transports. 
Captured a pirate on his return. Lord-Deputy of Ireland 
1584, where he was serving at this time. 

9. ** Sir William Wynter, Surveyor of the Ships at the 
Admiralty. A veteran naval officer, who had been serving 
continuously and with success for over forty years. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1586-7 295 

10. * Perhaps Sir Robert Constable, as in the Stowe 
list. Marshal or Chief of the Staff to Lord Grey in the Low 
Countries (' S. P. Dom./ clxv. 46). He owned a vessel sus- 
pected of piracy in 1578 (' Hatfield Papers,' ii. 202). An 
officer of the Ordnance in 1587 (' S.P. Dom.' ccxviii 56). 

n. Sir Richard Greynvile, said to have served against 
the Turks under Maximilian. Known to the Spanish 
Ambassador as a ' notable pirate.' Commanded the first 
expedition to Virginia in 1586. M.P. for Cornwall 1571 
and 1584. Sheriff 1577. 

12. Sir Henry Berkley, a commissioner for musters in 
the county of Somerset. 

13. Sir Francis Drake, born about 1545. With Lovell 
in the West Indies in 1565-6 ; with Hawkyns in 1567 ; in 
the navy 1568 ; commanded three successful expeditions to 
the West Indies from 1570 to 1574, and a squadron under 
Essex in Ireland 1575. Voyage of circumnavigation 
1577-80. Knighted 1581. Since then had been serving 
on a commission to reorganise the navy and promoting an 
expedition to seize the Azores. 

14. Sir Richard Bingham, a famous soldier of fortune. 
Born 1528. Scotch campaign 1547. St. Quentin 1557. 
Naval expedition to ' Out Isles 'of Scotland 1558. With 
Don John of Austria at Cyprus and Lepanto. Low 
Countries 1573 and 1578. Desmond rebellion 1579. Com- 
manded the Swiftsure under Wynter against Smerwick 
1580 ; a squadron against pirates 1583. Governor of Con- 
naught in 1584, where he was now serving. Died as 
Marshal of Ireland 1599. 

15. Clement Paston, born about 1515. Commanded 
the Pelican of Dantzig in the campaign 1545, and the prize 
galley Blancherd in 1546. Severely wounded at Pinkie 


16. ** John Hawkyns, Treasurer of the Navy. Last 
active service had been in 1568, when his fleet was trea- 
cherously attacked and driven with heavy loss from the 
port of Mexico. 

17. ** William Holstok had served as an Admiralty 
official since Henry VIII.'s time, and was now Controller 
of the Navy, 1561. Under Edward VI. he had com- 
manded a naval squadron, and several times since. 

1 8. ** Sir George Beeston commanded the Channel 


Guard in 1 562, and a ship in it under Nicholas Gorges in 
1576; commanded the Dreadnought in 1588, and was 
knighted ; commanded the Northern Squadron 1589. 

19. ** Sir Henry Palmer commanded a squadron in 
1576. Commissioner for Dover Harbour 1583-4. Channel 
Squadron 1587. 

iSa. Fulke Greville, Lord Brook, Sir Philip Sidney's 
friend and biographer, a favourite of the Queen ; had seen 
no service afloat or ashore. 

iga. William Borough, born 1536, younger brother of 
Stephen Borough. Was with Sir John Willoughby in the 
first Arctic expedition in 1553, and on similar voyages to 
the North-East and the Baltic in the service of the Muscovy 
Company for the next twenty years. In 1570 commanded 
a fleet to open the way through the Baltic to Nerva, the new 
Russian port, when he defeated HansSnarke, a famous pirate 
admiral, and took him prisoner. Clerk of the Ships 1580. 
Controller of the Navy 1589. Continued to serve against 
pirates. Considered the highest authority on navigation 
and maritime affairs till Drake's circumnavigation. 

20. John Cobham, commissioner for musters in Kent. 
Serving in the Low Countries with Norreys 1582. A 
correspondent of Burghley's. 

21. Carew Ralegh, elder brother of Sir Walter. Served 
with the Humphry Gilberte in 1578, and prominent in the 
business of national defence, and maritime police in the 

22. ** Anthony Jenkinson, the great traveller and 
diplomat. Began life in the Levant trade. Appointed 
Captain-General by the Muscovy Company and envoy to 
Ivan the Terrible 1557. Penetrated to Bokhara as Ivan's 
envoy, and opened up relations between Russia and the 
Khans of Central Asia. Captain of the Aid, cruising 
for pirates on W. Coast of Scotland, and to intercept 
Bothwell, 1565. Captured a pirate who had the same 
commission from the Warden of the Marches. Returned 
to Russia 1566 and 1571. About 1578 settled down to 
country life at Sigwell in Northamptonshire. 

23. ** Nicholas Gorges, great-grandson of Sir Edmund 
Gorges, of Wraxall, in Somerset, and Anne, daughter of 
first Duke of Norfolk ; so akin to the Queen and Howard. 
Had had command of a squadron in 1576. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 297 

24. George Fenner, of the famous Chichester family of 
shipowners and seamen. Like the Hawkynses of Ply- 
mouth, they were among the first to endeavour as a matter 
of right to force a trade with the Spanish and Portuguese 
colonies. He commanded expeditions to this end in the 
' sixties,' mainly to the Gold Coast. Though less known 
than some, he was one of the finest of the Elizabethan 
captains, and certainly was the first to demonstrate the 
superiority of English tactics and seamanship by his action 
off the Azores in 1567, when with his flagship the Castle of 
Comfort and two small consorts, he fought seven Portu- 
guese men-of-war all one day, and drove them off the 

25. Edward Wynter. Probably a son or nephew of 
Sir William's. He was a correspondent of Walsyngham's. 
Antecedents unknown. Absent with Drake in command 
of the Aid. 

26. Probably Thomas Cavendish, of Trimley, a 
Suffolk squire, who was the second English circumnavigator 
of the globe, 1586-8. Antecedents unknown. 

30. Bernard Drake, of Ashe, in Devon, cousin of Sir 
Richard Greynvile ; also claimed Sir Francis as cousin 
but the relationship is uncertain. Claimed to be head of 
the Drake family. Had just returned from Newfoundland, 
whither he had been sent to warn English vessels of the 
Spanish embargo, and to seize and destroy the Spanish 
fishing fleet. Knighted for his success. Died 1586. 

31. John Wynter, nephew of Sir William. Drake's 
second in command in the voyage of circumnavigation. 
Having lost company after passing Magellan's Straits he 
returned home. Lieutenant of his uncle's ship in 1588. 

32. Benjamin Gonson, grandson of William Gonson. 
Clerk of the Ships to Henry VIII. and son of Benjamin 
Gonson, who became Surveyor at the reorganisation of 
the Admiralty in 1546, Treasurer 1546, and died in 1577, 
when his son-in-law Hawkyns succeeded him. The 
younger Benjamin had already served as a captain under 
Borough on a "cruise for pirates, 1583. Became Clerk of 
the Ships 1588. 

33. Martin Frobiser, the famous Arctic explorer. 
Since the disappointing result of his last voyage to the 
North-West in 1578, he does not seem to have been 


employed, nor as far as is known had he seen any naval 
service until made Drake's Vice- Admiral in 1585. 

34. Sir Francis Knollys. The Queen's kinsman. And 
Privy Councillor and custodian of Mary Stuart, but as far 
as is known had seen no service at sea. 

35. ** Henry Bellingham. Probably the Captain 
Bellingham concerned in piratical practices in 1579. 
Commanded the Rainbow in 1587, and a squadron of 
merchantmen 1588. 'A Queen's servant.' 

36. William Hawkyns, Sir John's elder brother and 
partner. Active in all kinds of administrative capacities 
in Plymouth. Sea service unknown. 

38. William Wynter, son of Sir William. Commanded 
the Foresight in 1587. 

40. Christopher Baker. Probably one of the great 
shipbuilding family, and Royal shipwrights since Henry 
VIII.'s time. Several memorials of his from 1572 
onwards exist deprecating consumption of oak timber in 
Sussex by iron smelting works. Granted reversion of 
Admiralty office of ' Keeper of the Store Houses ' about 


41. Gilbert Yorke. Commanded a vessel in Frobiser's 
second voyage to the North- West 1577. Vice-Admiral of 
the third voyage 1578. Captured the Charles Jones, the 
ship of Henry Porter, a pirate, 1584, in the Queen's 
pinnace Scout. 

42. Richard Drake, of Esher in Surrey, son of Sir 
Bernard and Equerry to the Queen. 

43 and 44. John and George Ralegh, elder half- 
brothers of Sir Walter. 

45. Christopher Carleill, a son-in-law of Walsyngham's. 
Had served with distinction in the Low Countries and in 
Ireland, both by sea and land, absent as Drake's lieu- 

46. ** Thomas Fenner, of Chichester, an officer much 
trusted by Drake and Walsyngham. With Drake 1585 
and 1587. His vice-admiral 1588, and on Howard's 
Council of War. Besides Thomas there was William 
Fenner (No. 49) and Edward, who is not in the list. Both 
commanded Queen's ships in Drake's division 1588. In 
March 1585 both were suspected of cruising piratically in 
the galleon Fenner under Don Antonio's colours. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 299 

47. Edward Fenton, a soldier of fortune from his 
youth. Ireland in 1566. With Frobiser as a soldier in 
his second voyage to the North- West, and second in com- 
mand and lieutenant-general in the third voyage. Ireland 
1579. Commanded the disastrous expedition promoted 
by Leicester and others to follow up Drake's operations in 
the South Sea in 1581. Married Thomazin, daughter and 
co-heiress of Benjamin Gonson, and so brother-in-law of 
John Hawkyns. 

48. John Chester. Served with Drake as a gentleman- 
volunteer in the voyage of circumnavigation, and com- 
pleted it in the Golden Hind. 

49. William Fenner, cousin of Thomas Fenner, and a 
favourite officer of Drake's. 

50. George Raymond. Commanded the Elizabeth 
Bonaventure in 1588, and an expedition to the West 
Indies in 1591. See p. 162. 

54. John Vaughan. Was absent with Drake as a 
gentleman-volunteer. Given the command of the French 
prize christened the Drake. A witness to Frobiser's 
slander of Drake. 

55. Thomas Drake. The youngest and apparently 
sole survivor of Sir Francis's eleven brothers. Served in 
the voyage round the world. Absent with his brother as 
captain of the Thomas Drake. 

56. William Hawkyns, son of the elder William and 
nephew of John Hawkyns. Served in the voyage round 
the world. Second in command and lieutenant-general in 
Fenton 's voyage in 1581. Absent with Drake as captain of 
the galleot Duck. 

57 and 58. Belonged probably to the Drakes of Ashe. 

60. Thomas Bucke, of Southampton, recommended for 
employment to Burghley in 1576 by Gonson and Holstok, 
as one who had formerly served as a sea captain. 

64. ** Luke Ward, a sea captain of experience. 
Employed against pirates in 1578. Vice-admiral in 
Fenton's voyage. 

71. John Yonge. Probably the same who with 
Prouse directed the fire-ships against the Armada off 
Calais. He was an old sea-captain who had seen much 
service since Mary's time. A short autobiography by him 
recording his services is in 'S.P. Dom.' cclix. 48. 



DECEMBER 30, 1585 
[S.P. Dom. clxxxv. 34.] 

Ordnance remaining aboard her Majesty's ships 
and Navy Royal, 1585, with a note of Sir William 
Wynter's proportion by him set down in anno 1 569 
for the full furniture of the said ships, and what is 
now wanting to accomplish the same, viz. : 

The Elizabeth Jonas 

To be Sir W. Wynter's Remaining 
Surplusage. supplied. 2 proportion. aboard. 

Demi-Cannons . . iiij or ix v 

Cannon Periers . . null iiij iiij 

Culverins . . . iiij or xiiij x 

Demi-culverins . . null . vij vij 

j. Sakers 3 . . vij vj null 

Minions . ij ij null 

Falcons . . ij viij vj 

Portpieces . . . null iiij 01 iiij or 

Fowlers ix x j 

Bases (not in use) . null xij v 

28 4 64 37 

1 See Appendix A. 

2 The Roman figures are written at a different time from the 

3 MS. Sacres. 

4 Totals in different hand. Bases not reckoned. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 301 

The Triumph 

c rplusage. 


V J- 

Cannon periers 
Portpieces . 
Bases . 


Cannon periers 

Culverins . 





Portpieces . 



Cannon periers 

To be Sir W. Wynter's Remaining 
supplied. proportion. abroad. 

iiij or 






iiij or 

. iijj 
. null 
. null 

V J 

!J.. or 






. null 


or muskets 1 




The Bear 

. null 

x j 

X J 

X J 





. null 

iiij or 

iiij or 

. null 

iiij or 

iiij or 

. null 

iiij or 

iiij or 

. null 



. null 


xi J 
or muskets 




The Victory 

' "J'or 

yj. or 





1 A breech-loading swivel top-piece, not the infantry weapon. 
(See Appendix A, p. 332.) 




ij. Sakers 
Portpieces . 


Cannon periers 

Culverins . 





Portpieces . 



To be Sir W. Wynter's Remaining 




lllj or 


lllj or 

lllj or 



. null 




iiij or 


. null 

V J 

V J 

. null 



. null 

xi J 


or muskets 




The Hope 



ji J 




V J 

V J 


' *-L 

X J 


iiij or 


. ij 




j and 

a null 


a falconette 

. null 

iiij or 


iiij or 

V J 


. null 

X1 J 

X1 J 

or muskets 


The Mary Rose 

Cannon periers 
Culverins . 


mj or 

mj or 
















THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 303 



To be 

Sir W. Wynter's Remaining 
proportion. abroad. 


null null 


y. y. 


iiij or iiij 
or muskets 



Cannon periers 

Culverins . 





Portpieces . 



The Nonpareil 

' 'or 


. xij 
. null 


V J 



v j 






Cannon periers 
Culverins . 
Culverin periers 
Sakers . . 
Portpieces . 

The Lion 







V J 







iiij or 


iiij or 














iiij or 




iiij. Fowlers 

To be 



Sir W. Wynter's Remaining 
proportion. abroad. 

vj null 
xij xij 
or muskets 


The Revenge 


Cannon periers 

Culverins . 





Portpieces . 




ij.. or 


iiij or 





V -L 

V J 











|j.. or 





V J 

V J 

or muskets 

38 40 

The Bonaventure 


Cannon periers 

Culverins . 





Portpieces . 










V -L 





V J 

V J 








iiij or 

iiij or 



or muskets 




THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 305 

The Dreadnought 


Cannon periers 

Culverins . 





Portpieces . 




Sir W. Wynter's 

To be 





iiij or 



V J 
. null 


V J 





. null 



. null 




The Swiftsure 

Cannon periers 

Culverins . 





Portpieces . 






inj or 

iiij or 











iiij or 

iiij or 





V J 





Cannon periers 
Culverins . 

3i 34 

The Antelope 

null ij 

. ij ij 

yi V J 

. ix vj 

j ij 




Remaining Sir W. Wynter's To be 






abroad. proportion. 


. ij 

J j 

Portpieces . 


iiij or 



iiij or 


. null 





The Swallow 

Cannon periers . 

. null 

!J.. e 

Demi-Culverins . 

iiij r 

4 Sakers 

. xij 


2 Minions 

. iiij or 



V J 

xj. or 

Portpieces . 

. null 

4 Fowlers 


iiij or 


. null 




The Foresight 

Culverins . 

. null 

iiij or 

i. Demi-Culverins . 







iiij or 

iiij or 

i Falcons 



Portpieces . 

. null 


i Fowlers 




. null 




The Aid 

Demi-Culverins . 

. null 










THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 307 

Remaining Sir W. Wynter's To be 

Surplusage. abroad. proportion. supplied. 

4 Minions . . . vj ij null 

Falcons . . . iiij or vj ij 

Falconets . . . null j j 

Portpieces . . . null iiij or iiij or 

Fowlers j j , . ij viij vj 

Bases J . ij viij vj 

20 30 15 

The Bull 

2 Demi-Culverins . . viij vj null 

Sakers . . . vj viij ij 

2 Minions . . . iiij or ij null 

i Falcons . ij j null 

Falconets . . . null null null 

Fowlers . . . ij iiij ij 

Portpieces . . . null null null 

Bases . . . ij iiij ij 

22 21 4 

The Tiger 

j. Demi-Culverins . . vij vj 

Sakers . . . vij x 

j. Minions . . . iiij ij 

Falcons . j ij 

Falconets . . . null 

Portpieces . . . null null 

Fowlers . . . iiij or iiij or 

Bases . . iiij or 

23 24 

1 MS. 'yeron.' 

2 Third column blank. 

x 2 

3 o8 


The Scout 













Remaining Sir W. Wynter's 

To be 




. viij 







V J 







. null 

V J 




The Achates 




iiij or 

iiij or 









jj.. o 

ij short 


iiii or 




The Merlin 

V J 

V J 






ij short 




Remaining aboard 
To be supplied 


v c lxij. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 309 



[S.P. Dom. clxxxvii. 44.] 
The 1 8th of March, 1585 [i.e. 1586.] 




Brass ordnance delivered into the 
office of the Ordnance of the Tower in 
anno 1569, viz. 

the ships 
lying upon 


by the 
office of the 

by Mr. 
Powell's 2 

anno 1569 

book and 

my survey 


Cannons . .2 

I I 



Demi-cannons . . 38 

36 2 



Culverins . . -57 

78 o 



Demi-culverins . . 74 

105 o 




Cannon periers . .22 

32 o 


O y 

Culverin periers 3 . . 2 



Sakers . . . .100 

132 o 

3 2 


Minions . . .18 

34 o 




Falcons . . -47 

60 o 



Falconets . . .10 




Port pieces o 

26 o 



Fowlers . . . o 









1 Endorsed by Burghley ' A note of ordnance (brass and 
forged iron) delivered by Sir William Wynter, 1569.' 

2 John Powell, Surveyor of the Ordnance. 

3 Probably an experimental piece. It occurs in none of the 
text-books nor in any other list. The name implies an attempt 
to combine the range and penetration of the culverin with the 
lightness of a perier. Presumably the attempt was unsuccessful, 
as no more were made. 


Cast iron delivered then serviceable : 

Culverins .... 4 

56 pieces of cast 

iron ordnance 


Demi-culverins . . .23 
Sakers . . . -23 

Falcons .... 4 
Falconets 2 

u T 3 <-> 

.a o*> 


Td- C 

Forged iron serviceable delivered then. viz. : 

Portpieces having 137 chambers be-) 
longing to them . . . J 7 

Fowlers having 165 chambers to them 69 

Bases, double and single, having 412) 
chambers to them . . . | 34 

Wagon bases 1 having 75 chambers to) 
them j 37 

Demi-slings having their chambers . 4 

Brass ordnance 2 being broken delivered by me to 
the said office at that time, viz. : 

2 pieces of brass ord-f Minions i 

nance unserviceable (Falcons i 

Cast iron ordnance delivered into the Tower at 
the time aforesaid, viz. : 

. c - f Demi-culverins 4 

8 pieces of cast iron I o* 

It "i v ic INl^I r> . . . . Z. 

unserviceable c . i , 

(Single bases ... 2 

1 Bases on field carriages. 

2 According to Lucar (Tartaglid's Colloquies, Appendix 
p. 34), English brass ordnance was composed in the proportion 
of 100 Ibs. copper, 8 Ibs. clean tin, and 10 Ibs. of an alloy called 
' latten,' the nature of which is unknown. Lucar says : ' The 
latten helpeth much to incorporate the metals together, and 
maketh the mixture to be of a good colour.' He does not 
entirely approve the mixture, for he says pieces cast of it ' are 
apt to break after they are made hot with many shoots.' 

THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 311 

c/j <U <U 

8 c^ 

<u 3 

'a, a 


Forged ordnance delivered then : 

Portpieces .... 

Fowlers ..... 
Bases having 122 chambers 

ing to them . 
Wagon bases 
Demi-slings chambers 
Quarter-slings halls . 





[Gun Metal~\ 

Molten metal of brass ordnance that belonged 
to her Majesty's ship the Hart, 1 in anno 1564, 
and delivered into the Office of the Tower. 

Item in remnant of pieces, 307 cwt. 3 qrs. 18 Ibs. 
in brass 2 

[Obsolete Pieces^] 





Ordnance (of forged iron) 2 not 
delivered into the office of the Ordnance 
Tower in anno 1567. 

Portpieces . . . . . 26 

Fowlers ...... 26 

Three-quarter slings . . . . 13 

Half-slings .... 18 

Quarter-slings . . . . . 15 

Serpentines ..... 4 

Double bases and single . . . 232 

Portpiece chambers and Fowlers . 70 

Sling chambers . . . 75 

Base chambers . . . . . 1 7 1 j 

1 Probably Henry VIII. 's ' galleasse,' built in 1546. She is 
not mentioned in Mr. Oppenheim's list of Elizabeth's ships, but 
clearly must have once formed part of her navy. 

2 Burghley's hand. 

3 I2 


[S.P. Dom. clxxxvii. 65.] 
28 of March, 1586. 

A declaration made by me, Sir William Wynter, 
Knt., what ordnance as well brass as cast iron is to 
be prepared for the furnishing both of her High- 
ness's ship the Tiger, as also the rest of the ships 
and pinnaces here underwritten now in new building: 






Brass 1 



























The Tiger 







The galleon P. Pett 

at Deptford 2 







The Galleon Ma 

Baker at Wool- 

wich 3 . 







The Bark Chapman 

at Deptford 4 






The Bark P. Peter at 

Deptford ft . 





The Bark Baker at 

Woolwich 6 . 






The Pinnace Borough 

at Chatham 7 






The Pinnace Baker 

at Woolwich 8 






The Pinnace Wynter 

at Woolwich 9 




The Pinnace Peter 

Pett at Deptford !0 




Two pinnaces by 

Willm. Pett at 

Limehouse n 




Totals of ships and 

pinnaces . 12 






6 12 



^ "' 


%* For Notes, see next page. 

Note that towards the furnishing of the aforesaid number her 
Highness hath in store 18 pieces, viz., Falcons 12 and Falconets 6. 

THE SPANISH WAR 1586-7 313 

[NAVY LIST. 12 ] 
At Chatham, Woolwich, and the Seas : 

The Triumph. 
The Elizabeth. 
The Bear. 
The Victory. 
The Hope. 
The Nonpareil. 
The Mary Rose. 
The Revenge. 
The Lion. 

The Dreadnought. 
The Swiftsure. 
The Swallow. 
The Antelope. 
The Foresight. 
The Bull. 
The Scout. 
The Achates. 
The Merlin. 

The Galley Eleanor. 13 

In Ireland 
The George a hoy. The Handmaid. 

In the West Country 
The Tiger. 

1 Burghley's hand. 

2 The Rainbow, 500 tons. The use of the word ' galleon ' as 
a technical shipwright's term should be noted. See Appendix B. 

3 The Vanguard, 500 tons. 4 The Tramontana, 150 tons. 
5 The Moon, 60 tons. 6 The Charles, 70 tons. 

7 Probably the Sun, 40 tons. 8 The Advice, 50 tons. 

9 Probably the one by Ady (see list next page), perhaps the 
same as the Seven Stars of Mr. Oppenheim's list {Administration 
of Navy, p. 120). 

10 Possibly the Trust or the Popinjay. 

11 Makeshift, 60 tons, and Spy, 50 tons. 

12 This list is written on the back of one of the leaves of the 
foregoing Ordnance Report, No. II. It has a blank column as 
though the intention was to insert the armament of each ship. 
The mention of the Bonaventure and the Aid fixes its date as 


13 See notes ante, pp. 280, 283, for other instances of the 
Bonavolia retaining her old name after rebuilding. 

3 i4 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

With Sir Fra. Drake 
The Elizabeth Bonaventure. The Aid. 

Ships, barks, and pinnaces in new l making : 

The Galleon at Woolwich. 

The Galleon at Deptford. 

The Bark in Chapman's yard. 

The Bark in Deptford, P[eter] P[ett]. 

The Bark at Woolwich, M[atthew] B[aker]. 

A pinnace at Chatham, M.B. 

A pinnace by John Ady. 

A pinnace at Limehouse, W[illiam] P[ett]. 

A pinnace at Woolwich, M.B. 

Pinnaces of late new made : 

2 The Brigantine. 

3 The Cygnet. 

4 The Talbot. 

1 MS. ' now.' See notes to list p. 312. 

2 Built 1583. 

3 Built, 1585, by William Pett. 

4 Built, 1 585, by R. Chapman ; does not occur in navy lists. 


IN the present day the most striking feature of Tudor naval 
ordnance is the existence of a primary and a secondary 
armament, corresponding very closely to the system of 
our own time. Though for some reason that is difficult 
to fathom, the system disappeared from large vessels about 
the close of the Elizabethan period, and was not revived 
till a few years ago, it is certain that during the whole of 
the last half of the sixteenth century ships were furnished 
with a primary armament of muzzle-loading guns in 
battery, and a secondary armament of breech-loading 
guns mounted upon the superstructure and tops. Further 
than this, the breech-loading guns were provided with two 
or more movable powder-chambers, corresponding to the 
modern cartridge-case, which could be inserted in the 
breech in rapid succession, and as all these guns were 
mounted on swivels, and some other non-recoil system, and 
did not require relaying after each discharge, they thus 
were in the main essentials quick-firers. Their breech 
mechanism was of course crude and clumsy, and their rate 
of fire very slow, but as compared with the muzzle-loaders 
of the battery it was fast, and judged by the standard of 
those times they differed hardly at all, either in conception 
or practice, from the modern quick-firer and machine 

Hardly less striking is the fact that this division into 
primary and secondary, or M.L. and B.L., guns was not 
recognised by the artillerists of the time in the classifica- 

3 i6 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

tions of the natures of guns. The classifications adopted 
by them were two only. The first was on the basis of 
length to calibre. The second on the basis of metal to 
weight of shot. 

From the first classification were obtained four main 
natures : (i) Culverins (Low-Latin colubrinus, serpentine 
or snake-like), long guns of high velocity, range, and 
penetration ; (2) Cannons, the normal battering guns ; (3) 
Periers (Italian Petriero, or stone gun), short light pieces of 
small range, corresponding to carronades or howitzers, and 
used in the sea-service mainly with ' carcase ' or other 
man-killing projectiles ; and (4) Mortars (so called from the 
vessel mortarium which they resembled in form, but also 
apparently connected with the idea of mors, meurtrier, 
murderer). These were very short guns, used in the sea- 
service in-board to repel boarders, and almost exclusively 
with ' murdering,' ' dice,' or other kinds of grape-shot, as 
man-killers. Both these and periers were also used for 
discharging 'fireworks' that is, incendiary projectiles. It 
was this classification that was in practical use with 
English artillerists. 

The second was more theoretical, but was also recognised 
by experts, and is worth giving, as enabling us to under- 
stand the bewildering complication of names that are met 
with in those times. From this second classification on 
the basis of metal to weight of shot, which we may 
call Norton's, since it first appears definitely in his 
' Gunner' published in 1628, we obtain the following three 
classes : 


Thickness of metal in calibres 





Legitimate or 

ordinary forti- 






Bastard or lessened . 
Extraordinary or double 
fortified .... 




Each of the classes, both in the first and the second 


system, included a number of different guns, each bearing 
its own individual name according to its size. It is chiefly 
this bewildering multiplicity of nomenclature that has kept 
the subject in so much obscurity and confusion, but there is 
also another source of difficulty hardly less formidable. 
This is the wide variations of measurement that are found 
in each nature. Scarcely two tables that have come down 
to us agree in their details, and this has led many to 
despair of unravelling the system. The discrepancies of 
measurement however were not due solely to the lack of a 
fixed system, but largely to the shortcomings of manu- 
facturers. 'Through an intolerable fault of careless 
or unskilful gun-founders,' says Lucar in his ' Appendix to 
Tartaglia's Colloquies,' 'all our great pieces of one name are 
not of one length, nor of one weight, nor of one height in 
their mouths [calibre] ; and therefore the gunners' books, 
which do show that all our pieces of one name are of an 
equal length and of an equal weight, and of an equal 
height in their mouths are erroneous.' Foreign ordnance, 
he says, was worse in this respect than English, and this 
we may well believe ; for the Italian galleasses attached to 
the Armada, which were regarded as the highest efforts of 
the Mediterranean school, carried battery guns of nominally 
six different natures, but the shot for them were of twice 
as many sizes. 1 With the weight of the guns it was the same. 
' The founders,' wrote Sir George Carew to Sir Robert Cecil 
in 1 594, ' never cast them [i.e. demi-culverins, of which he is 
speaking] so exactly but that they differ two or three 
hundredweight in a piece ; but 28 cwt. is sufficient for 
a ship demi-culverin.' 2 Here then we have an explanation 
of the apparent confusion of the authorities, and bearing in 
mind the possibility of all kinds of variations from the 
normal measurements we may proceed to attempt a tabu- 

From the first system we obtain the following table, 
derived mainly from the data of Robert Norton, but 
checked and amplified for various other contemporary 
treatises and official ordnance papers : 

1 Duro. Armada Invencible, ii., Doc. 39. 

2 Domestic Calendar, 31 July, 1594. Carew was then Lieu- 
tenant of the Ordnance. 






of Shot 







Whole culverin 




about 13 ft. 

400 2,500 




4 ! 


12 ft. 

400 2,500 


Saker . 



II ft. 

340 1,700 






8 ft. 

320 1, 600 

'tt O " 

Falcon . 



7 ft- 

300 1,500 

"s fp 




6^ ft. 

280 1,400 








Base . 



4 ft- 

Its chamber 

9 in. 


-2 ( 

Double cannon or 

^.-2 ' 

cannon royal 




12-13 ft- 


1*8 I 

Whole cannon 




II ft. 




Demi -cannon 




10 ft. 



00 V 

Quarter-cannon . 



Cannon perier 





1, 6OO 

Perier proper, or 

d- cannon perier 







Its chamber 


16 in. 


Stock fowler 




Whole sling 




Its chamber 


22 in. 






Half-sling . 






? I 

.? 2 ( 

Mortar proper 



> O c J 
^ - 1 



S rt HIS 

l ~ l \ 


The above table must not be received as one that would 
have been drawn up by an expert at any given period of 
Elizabeth's reign. The difficulty of preparing such a list 
is, as will be shown, almost insuperable. From decade to 
decade continual changes took place : some natures went 
out of fashion and new ones were introduced ; of these 
some never passed the experimental stage, while others 
became popular. Measurements of particular pieces 
changed ; names were even shifted from one nature to 
another. The schedule therefore must only be taken as 
showing at a glance the various kinds of ordnance which 


were in general use for the sea-service and coast defence 
during the progress of the Spanish War. 

At its opening the complication of types, as the text- 
books present them to us, was far greater than appears 
from the above list. Besides the pieces there scheduled 
Lucar, whose work was published in 1588, gives a number 
of others. ' Our great pieces,' he says, ' are known by these 
names : 

Double cannon of the biggest sort. 

Double cannon of the ordinary sort. 

French double cannon. 

Demi-cannon of the biggest sort. 

Demi-cannon of the ordinary sort. 

Demi-cannon of an extraordinary sort. 

French demi-cannon. 

Cannon with a bell bore. 

Cannon with a chamber bore. 


CulVerin of the biggest. 

Culverin of the ordinary sort. 

Culverin of an extraordinary sort. 

Demi-culverin of the biggest sort. 

Demi-culverin of the ordinary sort. 

Demi-culverin of an extraordinary sort. 

Sakers of the biggest sort. 

Sakers of the ordinary sort. 

Sakers of an extraordinary sort. 

Minions of the biggest sort. 

Minions of the ordinary sort. 


Passavolantes or Zebratanas. 

Falcons of the ordinary sort. 

Falcons of an extraordinary sort. 


Cannon periers of the old making. 

Cannon periers of the new making. 

Mortar pieces. 






320 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 




Harquebus-a-crock . 


All these were ' great-pieces,' that is, artillery as distin- 
guished from small-arms, the harquebus-a-crock and the 
musket being used in ships'-tops or as wall-pieces, like our 
machine guns. Such a multiplicity of natures points to a 
great confusion. Lucar do?s not attempt a classification. 
We do not even know whether his three ' sorts ' merely 
refer to variations of calibre or whether to variations in 
the weight of metal according to the second classification. 
At first sight it would look as though his ' biggest,' 
' ordinary,' and ' extraordinary ' bore some relation to 
Norton's ' legitimate,' 'bastard,' and 'extraordinary.' But 
this can hardly be so ; for Lucar in his chapter on ' The 
proportioned length, just weight and due thickness of 
metal,' gives but one proportion of metal to calibre and 
not three. His scheme is as under : 


Eor all natures of culverins 




For all natures of cannon 




Basilisks. .... 
Periers (old making) 





This single system of distributing metal which he 
recognises thus gives higher figures than Norton's 
class of ' extraordinary or Double fortified,' and bears no 
relation either to it or to either of the others. We must 
conclude that Norton's classification was unknown to 
Lucar. Still there can be little doubt that the charac- 
teristic of many of Lucar's natures was distribution or 
weight of metal, and not calibre only ; for we find that 
many of his strangely named pieces are classed by Norton 
as special natures, derived from the relation of metal to 

Lucar's list is certainly in a great measure academic. 
It is immediately followed by his remark about the 
irregular work of the gun-founders, and to enforce his 



point he probably included every kind of gun, whether 
obsolete or not, which he could hear of as existing in 
England. In William Bourne's 'Art of Shooting in great 
Ordnance,' a practical treatise, which he published in 1587, 
the year before Lucar's, there is a list of guns actually in 
use, which clears the subject of much of its complication. 
It is as follows : 







Weight of 









I. Eldest double cannon 






2. Ordinary double cannon 






3. French double cannon 




I I4-I2 


I. Demi-cannon 

1 6 





2. Demi-cannon 





3. Demi-cannon 

1 6 i 




| 5,OOO 

i 5,400 

4. French demi-cannon . 




I. Narborough 2 culverins 






2. Ordinary whole cul- 






. 4,500 

3. Culverins . 

5 ? 





I. Demi-culverins (elder) 





2. Demi-culverins (ordi- 






27 cwt. 

3. Do. (lower than ordi- 






22 CWt. 

I. Sakers 





1, 800 

2. Sakers 






3. Sakers 





/ 1,300 
I 1,400 

I. Minions 






2. Minions 






2 t 

2 s 

2 i 


; 700 



2 i 




I 400 

One more list may be added to show what English 
ordnance had become theoretically by the end of the war. 
It appears in Norton's work, and in giving it he says : ' I 
have here also added the usual table for English ordnance, 
wherein I acknowledge some errors are, because exactness 

1 Misprinted ' 5 ' in the original. 2 I.e. Nuremberg. 

3 A misprint for 2\. In his table of shot weights a 2|-inch 
shot weighs 2 Ib. 2 oz. 



in tables of this nature is not to be expected by reason of 
the infinite diversities of materials and accidents.' The 
chief errors, however, which he points out arid corrects 
are in the powder charges, and these are here omitted. 
Roberts gives the same table, so that it is the one which 
must have been regarded as the most correct for the first 
quarter at least of the seventeenth century. 

The Usual Table for English Ordnance 


Weight of 

Length of 

Weight of 





Cannon royal . 




Cannon . 





Demi-cannon . 







r 5 


































7 3 




Saker . 


5 * 


i, 600 

Minion . 





Falcon . 










Rabinet . 










NOTE. The ' height of shot ' column is omitted. Read with 
the ' calibre ' column it allows in all cases a windage of J inch. 

From these two lists we can begin to get a much simpler 
view of Elizabethan guns. The variations in the main 
classes were chiefly a matter of a quarter of an inch more or 
less in calibre, arising from the practice of the various gun- 
founders, and partially no doubt from different theories of 
windage. For purposes of practical classification they may 
certainly be discarded, and we are thus able to reduce the 
cannon class to two main natures (cannon and demi-cannon), 
and the culverin class to six natures (whole culverins, 
demi-culverins, sakers, minions, falcons, and falconets). 


Periers and mortars, as well as the ordinary breech-loading 
pieces, must, of course, be added, and we thus obtain a 
list which reconciles the apparent confusion of the text- 
books with the actual simplicity of the Naval Ordnance 

To the student familiar with the pedantic intricacy of 
the contemporary treatises this comparative simplicity of 
the English naval armament is a very striking fact. 
During the few years immediately preceding the out- 
break of the war the Queen's navy had been entirely 
re-armed with brass guns, and in the process of re- armament 
a great advance in simplicity had been secured. 

In the armament of three ships of the middle sort 
mobilised in 1576 only seven kinds of M.L. ordnance 
appear, a demi-cannon perier being one (' Stowe MSS.,' 570, 
f. 151), and from the Ordnance Reports in the text (p. 300 
et seq^) it will be seen that by the opening of the war the 
armament of the royal navy had been permanently re- 
duced to a dozen different natures, corresponding very 
closely with Bourne's list, viz. eight natures of battery 
guns : demi-cannons, cannon periers, culverins, derni-cul- 
verins, sakers, minions, falcons, and falconets ; and four 
natures of secondary guns : portpieces, fowlers, bases, and 
muskets. In the scheme of armaments for the vessels 
turned out in 1586-7 we see a tendency to further sim- 
plification. Falconets are confined to pinnaces and the 
secondary guns reduced to two natures, fowlers and bases. 
Again in the naval programme, drawn up in 1588 after the 
Armada had revealed Spain's unsuspected power at sea, 
there is a still further advance. In the scheme of arma- 
ment the battery guns for all types are confined to four 
natures : demi-cannons, culverins, demi-culverins, and 
sakers. ('S.P. Dom.' cxxxvi. 60, December 1588.) 

It is evident then that we may discard for our present 
purpose the elaborate classification which the Elizabethans 
derived from Italian writers as mere pieces of professional 
pedantry, academical attempts, in fact, to classify all known 
natures of ordnance in a single list. The classification 
itself, however, as showing the scientific and theoretical 
aspect of the question, is too interesting to be omitted. It 
is of importance, too, as we shall see, for the new measure- 

Y 2 



mcnts that had come to attach to the old names, 
follows : 

I. Modern legitimate or ordinary fortified. 

It is as 






Sakers (quarter-culverin) 





48 pdrs. 1 8 cal. long. 

24 20 

12 25 

16 28 

8 30 

6 32 
. 36 to 50 

1 1. Bastard or lessened ; hybrids between cannon and 
culverin, shorter and less fortified than Class I. 

Basilisk (bastard double culv.) 
Serpentine (bastard culverin) 
Aspick (bastard demi-culverin) 
Pelican (bastard saker) 
Bastard falcon 
Bastard robinet 

48 pdrs. 26 cal. 
24 27 
12 28 


3 30 
H 31 

III. Extraordinary or double fortified ; extra long 
culverins : 

Flying dragon 



Saker extraordinary 

Falcon extraordinary 

Robinet extraordinary 

32 pdrs. 29 cal. 
16 , 40 



43 ,, 


Having thus cleared the ground of purely theoretical 
technicalities, we are in a better position to get a correct 
view of the ordnance actually in use in the Elizabethan 

The first point to determine, if possible, is the reason 
why, in almost every list that has survived, the measure- 
ments of calibre, length, and weight differ. Three causes 
existed for these discrepancies : i. Uncertainty as to the 
proper amount of windage. 2. Uncertainty as to the 


advantages of long guns over short, and vice versa. 3. 
The continually improving strength of powder. 4. Changes 
of nomenclature. 

i. Windage. Roberts, writing in 1639, tells us the 
' allowance for vent,' i.e. windage, should be inch between 
the diameter of the bore and that of the bullet. Others 
however, he says, are of opinion that it should be ^ of the 
bore. Between these two opinions there was room for 
wide variations of measurement. Take for example the 
normal culverin. Sheriffe's undated list (printed in Professor 
Laughton's appendixtothe 'Defeatof the Armada,' II. 350) 
gives this as a 5^-inch i/^-pounder. By Lucar's table of 
shot weights an iron 5 -inch shot weighed a trifle over 
17 Ibs. 15 oz., so that Sheriffe must have been allowing a 
windage of over \ inch. Take again his cannon, which he 
makes an 8-inch 6o-pounder. Lucar gives a 7^-inch shot as 
a little over 6o Ibs., so here also Sheriffe's windage is over 
^-inch. Norton and Roberts make a 5^-inch culverin a 
2O-pounder, which by Lucar's table gives a windage of a 
trifle over j-inch. An 8-inch gun they make a 63-pounder, 
which gives by the same table a windage of about f -inch. 
As will presently be shown there is reason to believe that 
Sheriffe's list is considerably earlier than the re-armament 
of the navy. In any case at the beginning of the war it 
would seem that the windage allowance was even less than 
this. For Lucar distinctly says (chap. 5 1, note), ' A fit pellet 
(as our English gunners do say) is \ of an inch less or 
shorter in his diameter than the height of the concavity in 
his piece ' i.e. the calibre. High-German gunners, he 
says, fixed it at ^o of the calibre. William Bourne in 1587 
confirms Lucar's statement of the practice of English 
gunners at that time, and in his gunnery table allows 
\ inch between the height of the shot and the calibre in 
every case. Bourne's table of shot weights differs con- 
siderably from Lucar's, and in every case gives the 
diameter at a higher figure. So that were we to judge 
Sheriffe's figures by Bourne's table, his windage would 
come out smaller. Which of the two is the more accurate 
table is hard to say. Bourne, except in the smallest shot, 
gives all his weights without fractions, and most probably 
they are all mean results obtained by actual weighing. 
Lucar on the other hand gives his weights to the millionth 

326 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

part of a grain, and tells us his results are derived by 
calculation from one known case upon the rule that round 
shot vary as the cube of their diameters. 

We thus see that in windage allowance there is enough 
to account for the varying relations of shot weight to 
calibre, which appear in different tables. And further, it 
is clear that on the above evidence that it is necessary to 
modify Professor Laughton's conclusion, that 'the minimum 
windage prescribed was one-fourth the bore of the gun, and 
as much more as pleased the gunner.' 

2. Length. In all the text-books of these times are to 
be found discussions as to the best length for various 
natures of ordnance, so as to secure the most perfect com- 
bustion of the powder charge, and most of them resolve 
themselves into strictures on ignorant gunners, who have a 
perverse idea that the longer was the gun, the further it 
carried. On the whole, however, we find a very fair 
uniformity. Cannons range from II feet to 12 feet, culverins 
from 12 feet to 13 feet, sakers and minions about 8 feet. In 
demi-culverins we find the largest margin, for Bourne puts 
them at 12 feet, 10 feet, and 9 feet. This, however, is easily 
explained. In the sea-service the demi-culverin was the 
favourite broadside gun for the upper tier, and the navy men 
soon found that ships gained in easiness and the pieces them- 
selves in handiness by being made much shorter than the 
normal land-service weapon of the same nature. In the naval 
programme of 1588 all culverins and demi-culverins were 
specified as 9 feet long, so that the sea-service culverin 
became a bastard piece about 28 calibres in length ; and 
although the craze for long guns was never entirely stamped 
out, this bastard type seems to have been favoured by all 
the best authorities during Elizabeth's time. Even cannons, 
it would appear, were also subjected to the same process ; 
for at the Woolwich Rotunda is a 7-inch cannon (No. f) 
marked E.R., which is only 9^ feet long, as against the 
normal 1 1 feet. The process probably began during the 
re-arming of the navy, for as early as 1587 Bourne 
expressly recommends short ordnance for the broadside, 
and the restriction of long guns to ' chasing pieces ' fore 
and aft. 

3. Weight. The general tendency of sixteenth century 
gun-founders was to increase the weight of metal in order 


to keep pace with the improved manufacture of gunpowder. 
Norton tells us that a hundred or a hundred and fifty years 
before his time ordnance was bad and weak because 
powder was weak, and that in his time they gave guns two 
and three times more metal to the weight of shot than 
formerly. Cannon, he says, once weighed but eighty 
times their shot, whereas in his time they weighed 200 
times or more, culverins 300 times, and small ordnance 
400 times. Sir James Turner repeats the statement, and 
there seems little doubt that a progressive and regular 
increase of metal went on through Elizabethan and early 
Stuart times. Indeed, the relation of gun weight to shot 
weight or calibre is probably the surest means of fixing the 
date of a doubtful list or doubtful specimen. Going back 
from Norton to Armada times, we find Lucar's rule is that 
cannons should weigh i6i| times their shot, all natures of 
culverins 242! times their shot, and periers 8o| times their 
stone shot Sheriffe makes his cannon only 100 times, and 
his demi-cannon 133 times their shot. To his culverins, 
however, he gives 260 times their shot weight, and to 
demi-culverins 366 times, and still higher proportions for 
the smaller natures. 

At first sight this would look as though the growth 
of metal was not constant, for Sheriffe's list is certainly 
earlier, and probably much earlier, than Bourne's and Lucar's 
treatises. Apart from the evidence of the light cannons, 
his specifications for the serpentine enable us to fix 
his period with certainty. Neither Bourne nor Lucar 
mention this piece at all, nor does any trace of it appear 
in Wynter's list as far back as 1569. It reappears in 
Norton's work, but there it is not, as Sheriffe makes it, a 
small i^-inch piece, firing a ball of ^ of a pound, but a heavy 
24-pounder bastard culverin. To find the serpentine 
placed as Sheriffe places it between falconets and robinets, 
we have to go back to the inventory of 1 547, made on the 
accession of Edward VI. The occurrence of bastard can- 
non, basilisks, and two kinds of falcons in this inventory, as 
well as in Sheriffe's list, further suggest that the two were not 
very widely separated in date. The heavy weight of Sheriffe's 
culverins, therefore, may be due not so much to thickness 
of metal as to excessive length. In 1594, after the 9-foot 
culverins had been introduced into the navy, Carew gave 

328 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

28 cwt. as the proper weight for a sea-service demi-culverin, 
though they sometimes differed 2 or 3 cwt. Now 3,400 Ibs., 
the weight which Sheriffe gives his full-sized demi-culverin, 
is 30} cwt. ; so that in 1594 a demi-culverin, though at the 
least 3 feet shorter than Sheriffe's, weighed practically the 
same, showing almost conclusively that Sheriffe's piece 
must have been less strongly fortified than the piece of 
1594. Sheriffe's list, therefore, in the absence of any 
certainty as to its date, cannot be regarded as disproving 
Norton's statement of the progressive increase of metal. 

Comparing the guns delivered to Drake in 1585 (supra, 
p. 28) with the weights prescribed by Bourne in 1587, the 
tendency to an increase of metal, at any rate in large 
guns, is very marked. Drake's demi-cannon, for instance, 
average 4,000 Ibs. or 4,500 Ibs. (according to whether the 
hundredweight is taken at 100 Ibs. or 112 Ibs.); while 
Bourne gives his demi-cannon 6,000 Ibs. Again, Drake's 
culverins average 3,400-3,800 Ibs. ; Bourne's are 4,300 Ibs. 
Drake's demi-culverins, however, average 2,400-2,700 Ibs., 
while Bourne's are 2,200 Ibs. ; but the list is so full of 
misprints that this may be wrong. Still, in the smaller 
natures Bourne's guns range lighter than Drake's. 

There exists another list which must be dealt with 
in this connection, especially as it is the one that is best 
known and most often quoted, and the one upon which the 
estimate of Elizabethan naval ordnance is most generally 
founded. This is the list given by Sir William Monson in 
his ' Naval Tracts.' Monson was a flag officer, who served 
with distinction throughout the later years of the war, and 
his commentaries upon it have always been accepted as of 
high authority. His knowledge of the earlier phases of the 
war, however, is now demonstrably defective. His criticisms 
on other admirals, so often quoted, are almost always founded 
on ignorance of the conditions which influenced their 
strategy, and, in the light of the artillery text-books and the 
ordnance reports, his list forces us to the conclusion that he 
was an officer who had made no more special study of 
gunnery than he had of recent naval history. His list is 
very incomplete. It ignores periers, mortars, and all B.L. 
pieces, as well as the new light 'curtals' and 'Drakes,' which 
had been introduced by the time he wrote. (See Boteler, 
Norton, and Roberts.) His gun weights are identical with 


Sheriffe's, but his shot weights show a slight increase, in 
most cases only fractional. It would seem indeed as 
though Monson, in the absence of definite knowledge of 
the subject, used some old list that came to his hands, in- 
troducing such modifications as occurred to him, and in 
default of further evidence as to the source of his infor- 
mation his list should be received with great caution. 

4. Nomenclature. The first cause of obscurity from 
this source is the practice that obtained of reviving the 
names of obsolete pieces to confer them on new ones. 
We have seen this done in the case of the serpentine, 
which under Henry VIII. was a small gun of the culverin 
class, used for a field and wall piece. (See ' Archaeologia,' 
li. p. 219.) They varied from a foot to three yards long, 
and possibly were the original type of culverin when that 
name, which at first meant a hand-gun, began to be 
applied to great ordnance. 

A similar transference took place with the curtal or 
curtow. In the early lists of Henry VIII. we find double 
curtals, curtals, and demi-curtals. From the table of guns 
given by Tartaglia it appears that these curtals or cortaldi, 
as he calls them, were periers from 7 ft. io in. to 8 ft. 5^ in. 
long, and from 8| in. to 9f in. in calibre. At the end of 
Elizabeth's reign, or early in James I.'s, an attempt was 
made to get over the increasing weight of naval ordnance 
by the introduction of a short light gun, which was objected 
to like the early carronades, because of its 'boisterous 
reverse.' To this piece the old name of curtal was given. 
(See Boteler's ' Sea Dialogues,' p. 316.) Similarly Norton 
revives the obsolete name bombard for a small perier 

The second cause is that the size of guns indicated by 
a particular name was sometimes entirely altered. Thus 
the normal Elizabethan cannon was a 6o-pounder, and the 
demi-cannon a 3O-pounder ; but in Norton, by a new 
system, they become respectively 48 and 24 pounders, 
while culverins and demi-culverins become 16 and 8 

The conclusion then is that in seeking to form a correct 
idea of the nature of any given piece of Tudor ordnance, 
careful regard must be had to the time at which it is men- 
tioned, and that to rely upon any one list, especially when 
its date is unknown, is to fall infallibly into error. 

330 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 


Mounting of M.L. guns was very much as it was down 
to recent times. Bourne tells us that as early as his time 
they were all mounted on carriages with ' trucks ' or wheels. 
From Boteler's description of the parts of a naval gun- 
carriage, we can form a fair idea of what they were under 
James I., when his treatise was written. ' The parts 
thereof,' he says, ' are the cheeks, which arc the sides of 
the carriage ; the bolts, which are the rings, whereto are 
fastened the breeches and tackles of the ordnance ; the 
cap-squires, or rather cap-squares, which are broad pieces 
of iron belonging to either side of the carriage, and serve to 
lock over the trunnions of the piece, over which they are made 
fast in a iron pin having a forelock ; the hooks, the fore- 
locks, and the axle-tree which bears up the carriage ; 
trucks, which are the wheels upon the axle-tree ; the lince- 
pins, which keep on the trucks ; the beds, which are those 
pieces of thick plank which lie next under the piece ; the 
quoins, which are those pieces of wood made wedge-like, 
which serve to raise or lower the breech of the piece at 
pleasure ; and the breechings, which are those ropes which 
lash fast the great guns to the ship's sides.' From the 
items of the indenture under which Drake drew his 
ordnance stores in 1585 (supra, p. 27), it will be seen that 
the carriages were similar to those of Boteler's time. 


1. Loading, In the sea-service the powder charge was 
always made up into a cartridge of paper, fustian, or 

2. Sights. Guns were turned out from the foundries 
without any form of sights. The master-gunners were 
expected to do their disparting for themselves, and all the 
text-books from Bourne onwards contain clear instructions 
as to how this was to be correctly done. On many 
Elizabethan pieces the dispart marks can still be seen as 
the gunners cut them. It would seem therefore that an 
existing impression that Elizabethan guns had no disparts 
('Defeat of the Armada,' I. p. xlix.) should be modified. 


3. Laying. Elevation was got by means of an instru- 
ment called a gunner's quadrant. This was like a 
carpenter's square with one arm much longer than the 
other. Between the arms was fixed a graduated quadrant, 
and from the angle of the square was hung a plumb-line. 
The long arm was inserted into the mouth of the piece 
with the other arm and the quadrant downwards. The 
plumb-line in this way indicated upon the graduated 
quadrant the angle of elevation. The method was no 
doubt clumsy, but probably quite as accurate as was 
necessary. Where the piece had to be depressed the 
plumb-line was shifted to the inner end of the quadrant. 
Later an improved instrument, known as the gunner's 
semicircle, was introduced with the plumb-line attached at 
the centre, so that it read in any position. 

Lucar also gives directions for using these instruments 
as range-finders, and probably for the land-service they 
were actually so used and with some accuracy. For the 
sea-service they can have been but of little use, and it is 
clear that English officers at least soon came to believe in 
nothing beyond point-blank range. Special injunctions to 
this effect occur in a ' Form of fleet orders ' dated March 16, 
1618 (' Stowe MSS.' 426). Still Lucar gives rules for using 
the instruments from the tops of ships on the principle of 
a depression range-finder, and they may have been so 
employed for bombardments. 


Natures. From the ordnance reports given above it 
will be seen that the B.L. pieces in use for the sea-service 
at the beginning of the war were of six natures port- 
pieces, fowlers or stock fowlers, slings, bases, murderers, 
and muskets. 

Portpieces, fowlers, and slings Norton classes as periers. 
Portpieces were 5^-inch guns with a chamber of 3^ inches, 
and were thus true periers, which apparently were almost 
always chambered to considerably less than their calibre. 
Their stone-shot, Norton says, were 5^ inches in diameter, 
arid weighed 9 Ibs. By Lucar's table such a shot in 
' Kentish stone ' would be rather more than 5^ inches in 
diameter, but of course the weight must have varied with 

332 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

the kind of stone used. The barrel of a B.L. piece, or as 
an Elizabethan gunner would pedantically say, its 'con- 
cavity,' or ' vacant cylinder,' or ' soul,' was called the ' hall,' 
to distinguish it from the ' chamber,' the hall of a Tudor 
house being its principal room. A portpiece-hall was 
normally 8 calibres or under 4 feet in length, its chamber 
1 6 inches. 

Fowlers. Neither the dimensions nor special charac- 
teristics of this piece are known. It was, however, mounted 
and used like a portpiece, and probably differed from it 
mainly in being a little smaller. 

Slings. In the older ordnance lists we find four 
natures of this gun whole, three-quarter, half, and 
quarter slings. Whole slings were 2^-inch pieces, with 
22-inch chambers of the same calibre. They fired 
3^ Ibs. of powder, against 3^ Ibs. of the portpiece, an iron 
shot of 2.\ Ibs., or a stone of 2.\. Slings seem to have 
gone out of fashion for the navy before the war began, 
but the whole sling survived as a ship-gun till Norton's 
time. It was nominally 12 calibres, or 2 feet 6 inches long. 

Bases and Muskets were of the culverin class, and were 
light guns that probably superseded the smaller natures 
of slings. 

The forms of base favoured in the English service were 
the great or double base and the Portugal base. The 
dimensions of the former are not known. The calibre of 
the Portugal base was i inch, and that of its chamber 
i inch. Norton classes it with the lesser culverins that 
were from 36 to 50 calibres long, and says its chamber was 
1 6 inches long, its powder charge \ lb., its iron shot 6 oz., 
and its stone i^ inch. Roberts gives its length as 2\ feet 
or 52^ calibres. 

Muskets were presumably identical with the Italian 
Mosquetto di bracca or braga of Cataneo, who wrote his 
'Dell' essamini di bombardieri ' about 1564. Little or 
nothing is known of them, but from the ordnance list 
(ante, p. 301) they seem to have been regarded as adequate 
substitutes for bases. Lucar, as we have seen, ranks them 
as the smallest kind of ordnance. 

Murderers Norton classes with mortars, but says they 
were 8 calibres long. Their bore was sometimes square. 

Breech mechanism.- This seems to have been much the 


same for all natures, except perhaps the musket. Welded 
upon the ' hall ' by means of cheek-pieces and enfolding 
it from trunnion ring to breech, was a kind of stout iron 
stirrup with a cradle on the under side. Into this the 
' chamber ' was placed and its chamfered fore end then 
wedged home into the breech by means of discs of wood 
and lead or leather driven in between the butt of the 
chamber and the base of the stirrup. This frame or 
stirrup was known as the ' tail.' To prevent the chamber 
jumping when the piece was discharged it was locked in 
its place by a wedge and forelock, slots being cut for the 
purpose on either side of the stirrup. But even this was 
not without danger. ' When a gunner,' writes Lucar, ' will 
give fire to a chamber-piece he ought not to stand upon 
that side of the piece where the wedge of iron is placed 
to lock the chamber in the piece, because the said wedge 
may through the discharge of the piece fly out and kill 
the gunner.' 

Such a system seems clumsy enough to us, but it was 
not adopted without knowledge of > others. Arsenal 
museums contain pieces with many forms of breech 
systems, but for some reason none of them seem ever to 
have come into practical use. Of one kind of B.L. perier, 
whose chamber screwed into the ' hall,' Norton tells us it 
went out of use ' by reason of the great trouble to screw 
it/ The plate in which this system is figured is missing 
from the British Museum copy of Norton's work, but it 
will be found in De Bry's edition of Diego Ufano (1614), 
on whose book Norton's is largely founded. 

Mounting. All these B.L. pieces seem to have been 
mounted on a non-recoil principle. The lighter natures 
such as slings and bases had a simple pivot mounting, or 
as Norton writes, ' they stand upon a forked prop or pintle 
upon the ends of which the trunnions rest' Pieces so 
mounted, he says, had a ' stern-handle of iron ' as a pro- 
longation of the ' tail ' ' to direct them by.' The mounting 
he describes for the heavier natures (portpieces and 
fowlers) is much more complicated, and not very easy to 
understand. Instead of trunnions the chase of the piece 
had on either side two square tenons, which were morticed 
into the block or carriage, so that the piece was held fast in 
it. When the piece was in firing position the muzzle or 

334 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

cornice ' lay upon the edge of the ship's port, and was 
triced up with a rope fastened about the muzzle.' Two 
trestle legs were ' morticed before under the block of the 
carriage.' The tail was supported by an upright post, 
upon which it worked up and down in a ' mortice ' or slot 
by means of a 'shiver' or pulley-wheel. In the upright 
post were a number of holes, so that by means of a pin the 
piece could be held at any elevation required. What was 
the use of the trestle legs, or how the tail could work in an 
upright slot when the muzzle was fired is not clear. 

Of the method of mounting a ' murderer ' nothing 
seems to have survived ; but in the Venice Arsenal is a 
model of seventeenth century mounting for an archi- 
busone da cavaletto> which was probably in the nature of 
the ' musket.' It is in the form of a shoulder-gun, having 
the forward end of the stock carried by a forked pintel. 
This is pivoted in the top of an upright post. From the 
front of the trigger guard is an iron rod, connecting with a 
wooden arm that hinges upon a short projection from the 
post. Hinged upon this arm is another with holes at 
intervals, which works through a slot in the post, and can 
be fixed there in any position by an iron pin. 

Purpose of the Secondary Armament. In the sea- 
service all the B.L. guns were primarily designed for 
resisting boarders, for preparing an enemy's ship for 
boarding, or for clearing your own decks when entered. 
If you see the enemy is preparing to board, Bourne 
advises you ' to give level on the scuttles, where the men 
must come up, with fowlers, slings, and bases, for with 
these you shall be sure to do most good. If you do mean 
to enter him, then give level with your fowlers and port- 
pieces where you do see his chiefest fight of his ship is, 
and especially be sure to have them charged, and to shoot 
them off at the first boarding, for then you are sure to 
speed. And furthermore mark where his men have most 
recourse, and there discharge your fowlers and bases.' Sir 
Richard Hawkins at the end of the reign laments 
the growing disuse of these guns, and specially com- 
mends them. ' I hold nothing more convenient in 
ships of war,' he writes, 'than fowlers and great bases 
in the cage-works and murderers in the cobridge-heads, for 
that their execution and speedy charging and discharging 


is of great moment.' Monson is equally in their favour. 
' A murderer or fowler,' he writes, ' being shot out of their 
own ship, laden with dice-shot, will scour the deck of an 
enemy and not suffer the head of a man to appear,' and he 
deplores the growing fashion for flush-decked and ' race ' 
ships, because no place was left for the secondary arma- 
ment. It is probably in this remark that we see the 
principal cause of the disappearance of these guns from the 


The ordinary forms of projectiles in use were round 
shot, generally of iron but also of lead and stone, bar and 
chain shot, and various man-killing kinds, such as hail-shot 
(probably like our buck-shot), dice-shot, murdering-shot, 
and others. A favourite method of using them was in 
a ' carcase,' so that their effect was similar to that of our 
canister and case. 

Besides these there were innumerable forms of 'fire- 
works,' in the use and manufacture of which the English seem 
to have had special skill. Most of them were in the nature 
of ' wild-fire ' or inextinguishable ' Greek-fire,' made into 
forms which could be discharged from great ordnance, or 
else from ' trombs ' or ' trunks,' a kind of hand rocket-tube 
made of wood and hooped with iron, but no trace of their 
use in the English navy occurs at this time. Lucar and 
other authorities give a great variety of recipes for these 
incendiary projectiles, as well as instructions for making 
both common and shrapnel shell and shells for illuminating 
enemies' works ; but how far they were used is uncertain. 
Shell, at any rate, does not appear to have been admitted 
into ordinary use for the sea-service, and was probably 
hardly beyond the experimental stage. 

From the above considerations we gather that English 
gunnery in Elizabethan times was far more formidable 
and scientific than has been supposed, and can understand 
its terrible effect upon the Cadiz galleys. Although, as 
Bourne tells us, the English had learned all they knew 
about gunnery from the Dutch and Flemings as late as 
Henry VIII.'s time, and were still inferior to Italians, 
French, and Spaniards in their knowledge of the art, yet by 

33 6 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

the outbreak of the war they had already learned to regard 
themselves as the best naval gunners in Europe. English- 
men, says Bourne, were accounted good gunners ' because 
they were handy and without fear about their ordnance,' 
and again, because ' they are handsome about their 
ordnance in ships on the sea,' &c. 




SCARCELY any writer has been able to approach the 
subject of the Armada without contrasting the light English 
vessels with the ' clumsy,' or ' cumbrous,' or ' unwieldy ' 
galleons of Spain. An idea seems consequently to have 
grown up that the galleon was essentially Spanish, and 
essentially cumbrous. It was neither the one nor the other. 
It is capable of demonstration that Spain was probably 
the last of the great maritime nations to adopt the galleon, 
and its essential structural feature was that it was on finer 
lines and in every way smarter than the ordinary ship. 

Although with us the word never became current in 
ordinary naval parlance, the thing was perfectly well under- 
stood. Broadly speaking, it was a vessel built specially 
for war as distinguished from the adapted merchantman. 
The type had been introduced into the English service by 
Henry VIII. long before there is any trace of it in Spain, 
and his capital ships were in consequence classed as ' great 
ships ' and ' galleasses ' or ' galleys.' For both in France 
and England it was some time before the new naval 
nomenclature was settled, and the new type was called 
almost indifferently ' galleon,' ' galleasse,' ' galley,' and 
' galleot.' About the nature and advantages of the vessel 
there was no doubt whatever, and by the outbreak of the 
Spanish war all, or nearly all, men-of-war in England were 
galleons, and they are thus invariably described by 

But although English seamen never took kindly to the 
word, and continued to confuse ' galleasse ' and ' galleon ' 
in describing foreign vessels, for the English shipwrights 
the words soon attained definite technical significations, 
and in official building programmes, after the middle of 

338 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

Elizabeth's reign, they never fail to appear. In the 
absence of any complete treatise on the art and mystery 
of naval construction, it is difficult to ascertain exactly 
what the terms meant for experts ; but it is certain that 
one feature of the ' galleon ' was a length of three times its 
beam, as distinguished from the ordinary merchantman, 
which was only twice its beam, the finer and newer class of 
merchantmen being rather longer. The ' galleasse,' as 
understood in the English naval yards, was still longer than 
the ' galleon.' A ' bastard galleasse ' was the term chosen 
to express a vessel that was a compromise between a 
' galleon ' and a ' galleasse.' The galleon seems also to 
have been flush-decked like a galley, but this was probably 
not regarded at first as essential. They also probably had 
less free-board and lower superstructures. The ' galleasse ' 
certainly had, and in these respects went beyond the 
galleon. In these days we should have invented new 
words for the new types, such as our ' battle-ship,' ' cruiser,' 
&c. ; but then, like the gun-founders, the shipwrights were 
content with old names, and boldly annexed them to 
express things quite different from what they signified in 
other times or other places. 

It was in Italy that the galleon had its origin, where the 
type was the outcome of a demand for a sailing war- vessel 
which, while of higher capacity and sea-endurance than the 
galley, could act with galleys, and not be quite helpless in 
calms and confined waters nor incapable of conforming to 
the elaborate galley formations in vogue. Jal in his 
' Glossaire Nautique,' and Guglielmotti in his ' Marina 
Pontificia,' have collected authorities which make the point 
clear. Simoneta, in describing the galleons used on the 
Po in 1447, says, ' Sunt autem galeones triremibus 
breviores sed latiores et sublimiores ' that is, ' Galleons 
are shorter than galleys, but of broader beam and higher 
free-board.' He also says that they had a superstructure 
fore and aft and were sailing vessels. In 1495 a French- 
man, Du Pare, describes some galleons in the service of 
Charles VIII. as 'a kind of vessel bearing some resem- 
blance to a small merchant ship or to a high and broad 
galley, which uses sails and sometimes oars.' In 1526 
another Frenchman, Lazare Baif, writes of them, ' Forma 
erat mixta ex nave oneraria et longa triremi,' that is, 


they were a compromise between the ' round ' or 
merchant ship and the 'long' or war ship. He calls 
them not galleons, but galleasses. In 1593 William 
Borough, Controller of the Navy, gives the typical English 
galleon as a vessel with a length of three times its beam, 
and a depth in hold of two- fifths its beam. In 1607 
Cresceritio gives the same proportions as the ideal Italian 
form. In 1614 Pantero-Pantera says small galleons had 
two decks and large ones three, and that all of them were 
flush-decked. The same authority and a number of later 
ones make it quite clear that the galleon was a compro- 
mise between the galley and the round ship, and that its 
special advantage was that it was more weatherly and 
faster than the older type of war-ship. So much was this 
the case that originally all galleons had auxiliary oar 
propulsion. Henry VIII., who built his 'galleasses' as 
purely sailing vessels, ordered the smaller ones to be 
fitted with oars after his experience of the action at Spit- 
head in 1545. The smallest class of galleons, which came 
to be generally known in the English service as frigates, 
long retained their oars, and traces of the compromise may 
be said to have lingered down to living memory in our 
small corvettes and sloops, which were fitted with sweeps. 

The parent of the English form of galleon, or, at least, 
a strong influence upon it, must have been the ' galea ' or 
'galeazza di mercantia,' that is, the merchant galley or 
galleasse in which the trade between Venice and London 
was conducted. This vessel is fully described by Coronelli 
in his ' Atlante Veneto.' He calls it the ' ga!6a ' or ' gal- 
leazza di Londra,' and says it was generally upon the lines 
of a war-galleasse, but with a beam of 3| of its length ; that 
in order to enable it to work in and out of confined waters 
and rivers it was furnished with oars, but only as an 
auxiliary means of movement ; and that it was rigged with 
three masts, the fore mast carrying square sails and the 
main and mizzen lateens. 

Though galleons were thus the ordinary type of war- 
ship in the English navy, they ceased to afford a class 
name after the reign of Henry VIII. Under Edward VI. 
Henry's great ships and galleons are classed simply as 
' ships ' and his pinnaces and row-barges as ' pinnaces,' 
and this system continued till the first year of Elizabeth, 

z 2 

340 THE SPANISH WAR 1585-7 

when we have a new classification into ' ships,' ( barks,' and 
' pinnaces.' The new class of ' barks,' however, never 
became very well defined. Sometimes it includes only 
small ships, sometimes also the larger pinnaces, and some- 
times it is ignored altogether. The characteristics of a 
' bark ' are quite unascertainable, and, indeed, can never 
have been very clear ; but generally the class seems to have 
been regarded as including vessels of over 50 tons and under 
1 50. Still even this is not quite constant. Naval nomen- 
clature has always inclined to be restless and indefinite, 
and Elizabeth's time was no exception to the rule, Broadly 
speaking, however, the practice seems to have been with 
sailors to call all sailing vessels that were fit to take their 
place in the line of battle ' ships,' while shipwrights called 
them ' ships,' ' galleons,' or ' galleasses,' according to their 
design. ' Barks ' included all sailing vessels of lower de- 
gree, and ' pinnaces ' all vessels specially constructed for 
oar propulsion as well as for sailing. 

Innumerable variations of design gave rise to numbers 
of other names, and left the lines between the classes very 
indeterminate. Thus the brigantine, which was a Mediter- 
ranean type of small galley, without slaves and rowed by 
its fighting crew, appears sometimes to have been regarded 
as a bark and sometimes as a pinnace, but never as a 
galley ; while we find vessels normally called pinnaces 
appearing indifferently as galleots, galleys, frigates, shallops, 
or long-boats. In an order made by the Officers of the 
Navy in 1586, the Queen's vessels are specified as her 
' ships, as well as barks, pinnaces, brigandines, and frigates ' 
(S.P. Dom. clxxxvi. 44), while at the same time the ship- 
wrights were calling them galleons, barks, and pinnaces, 
and naval writers ships and pinnaces. 

The apparent confusion arose from two causes 
one, the tendency to apply well-known names to new 
forms of pinnaces ; the other, the fact that many of 
the pinnaces in use by privateers were foreign vessels 
that had been made prize. For the purpose of study- 
ing naval tactics all these variations of type may be 
discarded as comparatively small questions of naval con- 
struction. All that is necessary is to see clearly whether a 
vessel had oar propulsion or not, whether, in fact, it was a 
ship or a pinnace. Into one of these two classes every 



Elizabethan vessel would fall, whether or not it was also a 
galleon or a bark. If this be borne in mind the only 
possibility of confusion that can arise is in mistaking 
first and second class pinnaces ; for pinnaces were either 
decked or undecked. The former were units of a fleet, 
the latter were only ship's boats. They corresponded, in fact, 
to the first and second class torpedo boats of the present 
time ; and the duties respectively assigned to them, both 
in action and out of it, were entirely of a corresponding 




ACHATES, the, survey of, 230 ; 
armament of, 308 ; mentioned, 
262, 272, 276, 313 

Acuna, Don Pedro de, commands 
galleys on the Andalucian sta- 
tion, 1 08 #., no, 112, 116, 117 

Advice, the, 236, 284, 312 

Ady, John, shipwright, 314 

Ager, Mr., 55 

Aid, the, ordnance supplied to, 
31 ; survey of, 227 ; armament 
of, 306 ; mentioned, x, xi n., xii, 
10, 28, 51, 241, 248, 261, 270 ., 
283, 314 

Albufeira (Algaferra), landing at, 
xxxvi and n. 

Alcabala, a tax, 75 and n. 

Aldborough, a ship of, 275 

Algarve, tunny fisheries of, de- 
stroyed, xxix, 131, 137, 142 ; 
their importance for provision- 
ing the Spanish fleet, xxix, 131 n. 

Allen, a Jesuit, 83 

Allen, Doctor, afterwards Cardinal, 


Alleyn, Thomas, his charges 
against Hawkyns, 213 #., 216- 
224, 216 ., 244 #., and see 
Hawkyns, John 

Alligators, 22 ; have been in Lon- 
don to be seen, ib. 

Almaynes, see German troops 

Almudos, Don Pedro de, governor 
of Bayona, 46, 48, 50 

Amirailles (Fr.), vice-flagships, 120 

Amity, the, 275 

Anchors, weight of, 267 

Andalucian Squadron, concen- 
trated at Cadiz, xxvii ; galleys on 
the station, see Acuna, Lagos, 
Santa Gadea 


Andelot, Frangois Coligny Sieur 
d', 80 and n. 

Anne Frances, the, 275 

Antelope, the, survey of, 227 ; 
armament of, 305 ; mentioned, 
241, 260, 271, 276, 284 n. 

Antichrist, 102 

Antonio, Don, Prior of Crato, Pre- 
tender to the throne of Portugal: 
reported to be with Drake, 52 ; 
but at the time in England, ib. 
n. ; Spanish fear of his landing, 
69 ; mentioned, viii, xvi, 35 ., 
95 n. See Strozzi 

Archduke, the Cardinal, Viceroy of 
Portugal, xliv 

Argosy, derivation of the word, 65 n. 

Ark, the, purchased from Ralegh, 
257 and ., 283 n. ; survey of, 
228 ; mentioned, 270 n. 

Armada, the Great, preparations 
for, 52, 56, 60, 64, 68, 1 08, 109, 
in, 112, 126, 139, 192, 193, 196, 
199 ; Burghleys remonstrance 
against, 49 ; a French contin- 
gent to join, 68 ; counter pre- 
parations in England, 55, 109; 
concentration of, to be prevented, 
106, 127 ; Santa Cruz reports on, 
xxvii n. ; mobilisation of, hope- 
lessly confused by Drake's 
operations, xxxvi-xxxix ; pro- 
ject abandoned in 1587, xliv. 
See Drake, Sir Francis ; St. 
Vincent, Cape 

Armada campaign of 1588, ac- 
count of, inspired by Drake, see 

Armado (Armatho) = a great ship, 
60, 65, 67 ; the word wrongly 
used for Armada, 60 ., 75 




Armament, secondary, 331, 334 

Armistice suggested in the Nether- 
lands, 147 

Arragon, Philip in, 51, 58; Parlia- 
ment of, will not swear allegiance 
to his son, 59 ; will not accept 
the Inquisition, ib. 

Arrecifa (Reff), 6 

Ascension, the, of London, her 
tonnage, 264 ; mentioned, 275 

Aspichi (aspicks), 320, 324 

Atkenson, Clenton, 63 

Ayamonte, xxxix, 69 

Azores, the, rendezvous of the 
Indies flotas, 3 n. ; rich prize 
captured at, see San Felipe ; 
Strozzi's expedition to, in 1583, 
35 and n. 

BAAL, upholders of, 133 
Babington plot, the, 123 n. 
Bacon, John, witness against 

Borough, 163, 164 
Baeshe, Edward, Surveyor of the 

victuals, 212 ; report by, 282 ; 

deceased, 238 n. 
Baif, Lazare, quoted, 338 
Baily, Captain, commands the 

bark Talbot, xii 
Baird, his ' Huguenots and Henry 

of Navarre ' quoted, 53 n., 80 n. 
Baker, Christopher, keeper of the 

storehouses, 298 ; mentioned, 96, 

2O8, 221, 249, 292 

Baker, Matthew, shipwright: Haw- 
kyns said to be in partnership 
with, 208, 222 ; reports on 
ships, 224; denies intention 
to worry Hawkyns, 231 ; a letter 
to, from Wynter, in Hawkyns's 
favour, 251, 252 ; ships building 
by, 312, 314 ; natural hostility to 
Hawkyns, 220 n. 

Baltic stores, 215, 216 ., 222, 255, 

Baltic, the, Borough's victory in, 
see Borough 

Bank, the, of Seville, broke, 77 

Bank, the, of Venice, very likely 
broke, 77 

Barbary, Hawkyns reported to 
have sold stores for, 214, 257 


Barbastro, in Arragon, 59 

Bark, a term loosely used, 98 ., 
and App. B 

Barker, John, of Bristol, 293 

Barton, George, xiii 

Base, a B.L. gun, 90 n., 332 

Basilisk, a gun, 319, 324 

Basquins = Biscayans, 65 

Bastard class of ordnance, 316 

Bastard muskets, 33 n. 

Bayninge, Paul, a prominent Le- 
vant merchant, 105 ., 206 

Bayona, Drake off, 2 ; negotiations 
for release of English prisoners 
there, 3,5 ; his reasons for putting 
in at, 41 ; uncertain whether 
sacked or not, 52 ; news from, 
disturbs the Spanish Council, 
59 ; isles of (Cies Islands), 40, 


Bazan, Alvaro de, see Santa Cruz 

Bazan, Don Alonso de, brother of 
Santa Cruz, said to have made 
an attack with galleys at Cas- 
caes, xxxi n. 

Beeston, George, afterwards Sir 
George, 292 ; service, 295, 296 

Belem, xxxi 

Bellenger, a trumpeter on the 
Golden Lion, 167 

Bellingham, Captain Henry, com- 
mands the Rainbow in 1587 
xix ; a squadron in 1588, ib. 
Drake's appreciation of, 103 
whether vice-admiral of Bor 
ough's squadron, i6on.,i88n. 
Borough appeals to, 171, 181 
service, 298; mentioned, 188 
191, 292 

Bellingham, Thomas, 292 

Benjamin, bark, xi, xii 

Berkley, Sir Henry, 291, 295 

Biggs, Walter, captain-lieutenant 
of Carleill's company, xiii ; his 
narrative of the Indies expedi- 
tion, see ' Summary Discourse ' 

Bilbao, escape of the Primrose 
from, ix 

Billingsley, Henry, on the Carrack 
Prize Commission, 200 

Bingham, Sir Richard, 291 ; ser- 
vice, 295 





Biscay, the Governor of, failure of 
his stratagem at Bilbao, ix ; car- 
ried to England, id. ; squadron 
of, under Recalde, escapes 
Drake, xxix ; letters from, 77 

Bitfield, Captain, commands the 
Swallow, xii 

Black money, 17 

Blackbills, 30 and n., 33 

Blackecoller, alias Crowe, Nicholas, 
steers the Golden Lion at a 
critical moment, 165 

Bland, J. S., 57 

Bodenham, Jonas, 249 

Bonaventure, the, see Elizabeth 

Bonavolia, the, formerly galley 
Eleanor : the only galley in the 
English service, 283 n. ; import 
of the name, ib. ; report on, 
230; mentioned, 276, 284, 313 

Bond, Alderman, letters to, 78 

Bond, bark, xii, 236 

Bonner, bark, xi, xii, 236 

Boratos, a stuff, 203 n. 

Bordeaux, advertisements through, 
77 ; embargo at, ib, 

Boreman, Simon, merchant, 105 

Borough, Stephen, 296 

Borough, William, Clerk of the 
Ships, his great authority on 
naval affairs, xviii, 1247?., 296; 
his service, 296; victory at 
Narva in 1570, ib, ; Wynter 
appeals to, against Hawkyns, 
209 ; perhaps Hawkyns's vice- 
admiral in 1586, 252 n. ; 
complaint against Hawkyns, re- 
ferred to, 252 ; now thoroughly 
reconciled with him, ib. 

Drake's vice-admiral in 1587 : 
' very discreet, honest, and most 
sufficient,' 103 ; his protest against 
seizure of Cape St. Vincent, 123- 
30; apology for, 130; deprived 
of his command and placed 
under arrest, 143 ; carried home 
in the Golden Lion, xl, 155, 156 ; 
sentenced to death by Drake, xl ; 
writes to Howard from Dover, 
142 ; demands an inquiry, 143. 
Charges against, relative to his 

conduct at Cadiz, of personal 
cowardice, of deserting and com- 
promising the fleet, of seducing 
officers, i S3~S $> J 57-64; generally, 
unduly cautious advice in council, 
163; replies thereto, 153-55, 168- 

Charges relative to the mutiny 
of the Golden Lion, and his re- 
plies, I49-5.I, 155 

His relations with Drake gene- 
rally reviewed, xlv-xlix, 125 n. 

Bostocke, John, commands the 
Makeshift, xx and n., 188 

Boston, cordage of, substituted for 
Danzic, 215, 222, 255 

Boteler, his ' Sea Dialogues ' cited, 
127 n., 226 n., 258 n. 

Boulter, a stuff, 203 

Bourne, William, his ' Art of Shoot- 
ing in Great Ordnance,' App. A, 

Boyte, Phillip, 63 

Brabbles = petty quarrels, 209 

Eraser, debt to, 96 

Brave, the, 275 

Brazil wood, 251 

Breech-loading guns, danger in 
firing, 333 ; and see App. A 

Breton ships, 66 ; as distinct from 
French, 141 

Bribery, a factor in conducting 
public business, 145 n. 

Brigantine, 284 and ., 340 

Brill, to be supplied with ordnance, 

Bristol, the name, 165 n. ; ships 

of, 2 ; captains of, 293 
Bristowe, Captain, 292 
Brook, Fulke Greville, Lord, 292, 

Browne, Hemy, evidence of, 160, 

163, 164 

Bucke, Thomas, 293 ; service, 299 
Buckland Abbey, Drake's seat, 

Don Antonio at, 52 n. 
Buena Vista, 8 
Bull, the, survey of, 278 ; mentioned, 

271, 276, 283, 313 
Bulls of pardon, 40 
Burghley, Lord, President of the 

Council, notes of agenda for the 




Council by, 53, 197 5 official 
apology by, for Drake's cam- 
paign, to De Looe, 148 ; despatch 
from Drake, 83 ; report of Audit 
Commission to, 86 ; letter from 
Cordell, 145 n. 

Burgundy, House of, sec England, 
Philip II. 

Burre, bark, 83 

CABLES, sizes of, 266 

Cadiz campaign (1587), xvii-xlix ; 
importance of, xliii ; perfect 
strategy shown in, ib., xxv ; epoch 
making, xlix ; papers relating to, 
97-206 ; other narratives of, 
xxiv. See St. Vincent, Cape 

Cadiz, operations at, 107-23 ; of 
only secondary importance in 
the conduct of the campaign, 
xxv, xxviii, 117 n. ; French ac- 
count of, 116 ; Spanish losses at, 
official report of, 120; intelli- 
gence gained at, 109, in, xxv- 

Cales (Gaels) = Cadiz, 107 n. ; 
168 n. 

Calibre of guns, see App. A 

Canary Islands, Drake at, 6 ; men- 
tioned, 49 n., 119 

Cape Verde Islands, Drake at, 8- 
12 ; price of wheat there, 65 ; 
report from, ib. 

Capitan Pasha, the, Drake's pre- 
sents to, 95 n. 

Cappitaines = flagships, 1 20 

Captain Lieutenant, xiii 

Captains, list of, 291-3 ; notes on, 


Careless, Edward, also called 
Wright, the 'excellent mathe- 
matician and engineer,' com- 
mands the Hope, xi, xii 

Carew, Sir George, Lieutenant of 
the Ordnance in 1594, letter to 
Sir Robert Cecil quoted, 317, 


Carey, Sir George, Governor of the 
Isle of Wight in 1585, despatch 
from, to Walsyngham, 33 

Carisbrooke Castle, 36 


Carleill, Christopher, Drake's Lieu- 
tenant-General commanding land 
forces, xi, and the Tiger, ib. and 
n. ; part taken by, at Cartagena, 
19 ; at Vigo, 45 ; despatch from, 
to Walsyngham, 39 ; statement 
signed by, 92 ; his service, 298 

Carrack Commission, see San 

Cartagena, capital of Tierra Firme, 
great centre of Spanish trade, 
xiv ; capture of, 18-22 ; booty 
taken at, 21 ; description of, ib. ; 
sickness at, ib. ; ransom of, less 
than demanded, 89 n. ; self- 
denying resolution in regard to, 
by the council of war, ib. ; 
Drake's reasons for evacuating, 
ib., and xiv ; mentioned, 66, 7 1 

Cartagena, in Old Spain, ships at, 
xxvii ; orders to, xxviii 

Carwell, Jeffrey, 160 

Carye, Edward, one of the Carrack 
Prize Commission, 201, 206 

Casa de Contracion, the, at Seville, 


Cascaes Bay, description of, xxx ; 
operations in, xxxi, 139, 143 ; in- 
activity of Santa Cruz at, ib. ; 
landing threatened at, xxxi n. ; 
why not attempted, xxxiii 
Casimir, Duke John, brother of the 

Elector Palatine, 53 
Cassava, 13, 16 
Castile, muster in, 192 
Castle of Comfort, the, 297 
Cataneo, work on ordnance by 

(1564), 332 

Gates, Thomas, of CarleilFs com- 
pany, see ' Summary Discourse ' 

Catholics will yield up England 
without bloodshed, 193 

Cavendish, Thomas, 292 ; service, 

Cecil, Sir Robert, 317 

Cecil, William, xiii 

Cely, Thomas, commands the 
Minion, xii 

Censure = condemnation of ships, 
36 n. 

Centurion, the, 275 

Chagres River, 72 





Chain-walls, 166 

Chamber, the, of Lisbon, Portu- 
guese troops granted by, 52 

Chambers, in B.-L. guns, 29 n., 332 

Chapman, Richard, shipwright, 214, 
257,312, 314 

Charge outward = cost of mobili- 
sation, 86 n. 

Charity, the, 275 

Charles, the, 284 

Charles V. of Spain, tax continued 
by, 75 

Charles VI 1 1. of France, galleons 
of, 338 

Chester, John, 292 ; service, 299 

Cies Islets, see Bayona 

Cimaroons, see Maroons 

Cletherell or Cletherowe, a rope 
merchant in London, 222, 249 

Clevar, Nicholas, a letter from, 80 

Clifford, Alexander, commands the 
Spy pinnace, xx, 157 ., 188 

Coat money, 273 

Cobham, John, 292 ; service, 296 

Cokayne, William, Danzic mer- 
chant in London, 222, 250 ; a 
ship of, 275 

Colonies, Spanish, position of, with 
regard to commerce with Eng- 
land, vii 

Conduct = travelling money, 272 n. 

Coniars, a banished priest, 83 

Constable, Sir Richard (Robert ?), 
291, 295 

Control = check accounts, 88 n. 

Copland, Thomas, evidence against 
Borough, 160-4, 172, 179 

Coppye, Abdye, 166 

Cornell, Thomas, Levant merchant, 
agreement with Drake, 105 ; 
letter to Burghley, 145 n. ; 
signs inventory of the Carrack 
prize, 206 

Corfe Castle to be strengthened, 55 

Corn, dearth of, in Spain, 42 ; in 
France, 80 

Corn ships, treacherous embargo 
laid on, ix, 43, 44 

Coronelli, his 'Atlante Veneto,' 


Corporal of the Field (aide-de- 
camp), xii, xiii, 43 n. 

Corporal, rank of, introduced into 
the navy, 24 n. 

Corriente silver, 90 

Corrientes, Cape, 80 

Corsairs, the, 23 n. 

Coruna (the Groyne), preparations 
at, 194, 197 ; not attacked in 
1587, but in 1589, xxxiii n. 

Cottell, Drake's clerk, effect of his 
death on Drake's accounts, 89 

Council of Spain, the, troubled by 
news of Drake, 59 

Council, the Privy, agenda for, in 
Burghley's hand, 53, 197 ; Mel- 
sam's petition to, 61 ; counter- 
mands Drake's orders, xxii, 100 ; 
some members of, reported to 
have betrayed State secrets, 
123 ; falsely, ib. n. 

Councils of war, their traditionary 
authority, xlvi ; even in the 
seventeenth century, 124 n. ; 
Drake's method with, 123. See 

Courts martial, not yet an institu- 
tion, xlviii ; precedent for, in 
Doughty's case, ib. ; limit of 
their authority hitherto, ib. 

Courts of guard, 16 and ., 117 

Crato, see Antonio, Don 

Credit, Spanish, dependent on the 
arrival of treasure fleets, xxviii ; 
effect on, of Drake's proceedings 
in the West Indies, 77 

Cripps, Biggs' lieutenant, see 
' Summary Discourse' 

Crofts, Sir James, Controller of the 
Household, a pensioner of Philip, 
146 ; his service, 294 

Crosse, Robert, afterwards Sir 
Robert, commands the bark 
Bond, xii, 47 n. ; sent as hostage 
to Bayona, 4 ; reports thence, 
48 ; a captain in Platt's land 
force in 1587, 187 ; sent home 
with despatches from Cadiz, 131 
TZ., 133 n., 142 ; evidence against 
Borough, 158, 159, 172; subse- 
quent services, 47 n. 

Cuba, Drake off, 23, 73 

Culverins perier, 309 n. 

Culverins, App. A 




Culvertailing = dovetailing, 244 n. 

Cumberland, Earl of, at Grave- 
lines, 141 n. 

Curties, intelligence by, 68 

Customs, Philip can do nothing 
without, 75 

Cygnet, the, pinnace, Howard's, 
xviii, xix ; in Navy list, xix n., 

Cyprus, a stuff, 203, 204 

Cyprus, Don John of Austria at, 

DAGON'S image, 133 

Dantollot, see Andelot 

Danzic, merchants of, 192, 196 

Darnis, perhaps Tanlay, q.v. 

Darohan, see Rohan 

Dartmouth, reports from, 52, 65 ; 

fleet at, 97 ; provisions to be 

ready at, 235 
Dassell, charges to, 96 
Dawx, William, merchant of Lon- 
don, intelligence by, 66 ; petition 

of, ib. 
Dead shares, 215, 256, 288, and 

see Pay 

Defalked = deducted, abated, 91 n. 
Delft, intelligence through, 56, 57 
Demi-cannons, App. A 
Demi-culverins, App. A 
Demi-lances = light-armed lancers, 

19 n. 
Denmark, the King of, to be warned, 

Deptford, only Queen's ships should 

lie at, 223 
Devil, the, natives of Florida speak 

with, 26 

Dice shot, 30 and n. 
Dieppe, intelligence from, 68 
Digbye, Ambrose, 293 
Dissolved = released, 101 and n. 
Dominica, Drake at, 12 ; inhabi- 
tants of, are as red as scarlet, 

ib. ; are cannibals, 13 
Double cannon, App. A 
Doughty, Thomas, his trial and 

execution, xlv, xlviii ; referred to 

by Borough, 151 
Dover, the Golden Lion at, 145 


Downe, Matthew, a Flemish mer- 
chant, intelligence by, 57 

Dragon, Drake plays the, 51 

Drake, Bernard, of Ashe, head of 
the Drake family, 297 ; New- 
foundland fisheries destroyed by, 
ib., xxix ; knighted, 297 ; death 
of, ib. 

Drake, another, of the same family, 
293, 299 

Drake, Sir Francis, mentioned 
passim ; Jesuit plot against, 83 ; 
crest granted to, on knighthood, 
102 n. ; his hatred of Spain, 
xlviii ; fervent piety, 84, 104, 109, 
112, 134; tact, xxxix ; humour, 
133 ; liberality, 93, 98 ; advanced 
views of strategy, no n. ; mis- 
trusted as unscientific, xlv lack 
of respect for tradition, xlv, xlvi ; 
method with councils of war, 
xlvi, 124, and n. personal de- 
votion to Walsyngham, 104 n. ; 
study of military text-books, 134 
. ; his behaviour at San Juan 
de Ulua (1568) impugned, 152 
and n. ; ' worketh by a familiar,' 
195 ; conduct of the Armada cam- 
paign (1588), see Ubaldino 

1585. Indies campaign (q.v.) : 
sails from Plymouth, i ; detail of 
his sea and land forces, xii ; his 
orders, xiii ; plan of campaign, 
ib., 69 ; operations on the Spanish 
and Portuguese coasts, 2-5, 40- 
51;' plays the dragon ' there, 5 1 ; 
at the Madeiras, 5 ; Canaries, 6 ; 
Cape Verde Islands, 8-12; Lesser 
Antilles, 12-14 ; Espanola, 14- 
18 ; Tierra Firme, 12-22 ; Cuba, 
23 ; Florida, 24-26 ; Virginia, 
26 ; misses the Indies fleets by 
twelve hours' sail, 84 and n. ; ' a 
very great gap opened ' by, 84 ; 
despatch to Burghley, 83 

1586. Negotiations with the 
Dutch, xvi ; perhaps with the 
Porte, ib. and 95 n. 

1587. Cadiz campaign (q.v.*) : 
his sea force, xx, 99, 120; his 
own squadron, xx ; land force, 
xxiv ; his orders, xxi, 106 ; con- 





radictory orders to, xxii, 107 ; 
text of, 99-102 ; suspects their 
despatch and eludes them, xviii ; 
desertions from, at Plymouth, 
103 ; suspects treachery in con- 
nection with, but without founda- 
tion, ib. and n. ; at Cadiz, 107- 
123 ; Lagos, xxxv, 142 ; estab- 
lishes himself at Cape St. Vin- 
cent, xxix, 136, 142 ; at Cascaes, 
xxx, xxxi, 138 ; sails for the 
Azores, xxxix ; deserted by the 
Golden Lion, xl ; consequently 
unable to complete his work on 
the Spanish coast, ib. ; captures 
the San Felipe, xli ; returns 
home, xlii. See also Armada, 
the ; Borough, William ; Golden 
Lion, the ; San Felipe, the ; St. 
Vincent, Cape. Despatches to 
Walsyngham, 102, 107, 131, 140; 
to Wolley, 109 ; letter to Foxe, 

Drake, Hugh, 293, 299 

Drake, Lady, 157 n. 

Drake, Thomas, youngest brother 
of Sir Francis, commands the 
Thomas Drake, xi, 299 

Drake, a gun, 328 

Drake, the, a French bark taken 
and renamed, 40 and n., 99 
and n. 

Drake, the Elizabeth, 100 n. 

Drake, the Thomas, xii, 100 n. 

Drapers' Company, xix n. 

Dreadnought, the, Queen's ship, 
survey of, 226 ; complement of, 
271 ; armament of, 305 ; springs 
a leak, 107 ; mentioned, xviii, 
xix ., xx, 98, 99, 236, 276 

Drewet, John, 167, 184 

Du Pare (1495), quoted, 338 

Ducat, Durat, or Duraten hemp, 
249 and n., 250 

Ducat, value of, 4 n. 

Duck, the, galleot, not a galley, 5 
and ., xi, xii, 45 n. 

Ducket, Sir Lionel, letter to, 216 n. 

Dufield, Captain, 293 

Dump, 165 and n. 

Dutch, the, their commerce to be 
encouraged, 54 ; to furnish ship- 


ping, 55, 198; negotiations with 
Drake, see Drake, Sir Francis 

xlii, n. 

East India trade, secrets of, dis- 
closed to the English, xlii 

Easterlings = Hanse traders, 192 ., 
101, 107 

Edmund, Thomas, 40 

Edward Bonaventure, the, London 
ship, xx, 275 ; in the 'worthy 
fight' at Gibraltar, 161 n. 

Edward VI., classification of ships 
under, 339 

Edwards, his ' Life of Ralegh,' 
xvi n. 

Eleanor galley, the, see Bonavolia 

Elector Palatine, the, 53 

Elizabeth Bonaventure, the, Drake's 
flagship in 1585, x ; in 1587, 
xviii; near foundering, xl ; service 
in 1588, 141 n. ; ordnance sup- 
plied to, 27 ; valued, 94 ; survey 
of, 226 ; complement of, 236 ; 
armament of, 304 

Elizabeth Jonas, the, survey of, 224 ; 
tonnage of, 264 ; complement of, 
270 ; armament of, 300 

Elizabeth, the, or Elizabeth Drake, 
Drake's ship, xx, 100 

Elizabeth, Queen, her vacillation, 
ix, xxii ; disavows Drake's ac- 
tion, xv ; distrusted by the Dutch, 
xvi ; reported to have taken the 
Low Countries under her protec- 
tion, 56 ; whether afraid of the 
Spanish forces, 59 ; her share of 
the proceeds of the Indies voy- 
age, 87, 94 ; ' drawn overboard ' 
by Hawkyns, 208 and n. ; men- 
tioned passim 

Elize, Philip, Wynter's clerk, 250, 

Ellers, Hans, Hamburg merchant, 

Embargo treacherously laid on 
English corn ships, ix, 34 ; re- 
taliatory, in England, ix ; general 
on all foreign ships in Spain, 68 ; 
and Advertisements, 




Emperor, the, his son to be married 
to Donna Isabella of Spain, 61 

Emperor ' that married the King 
of Spain's sister,' whether the 
Grand Duke of Tuscany, 61 n. 

Enable = enhance, 254 n. 

England, ancient commercial trea- 
ties of, with the House of Bur- 
gundy, vii ; has ' too many 
teeth,' 59 ; shall smoke ere long, 
68 ; the disturber of Christendom, 

England, enterprise of, see Armada 

Erizo, James, commands the White 
Lion, xii ; sent as hostage to 
Bayona, 47 ; his report from 
thence, 48 

Escorchapin, a ship, 121 n. 

Espanola (Hispaniola), Drake at, 

14, 7i, 79 

Espirito Santo, Fenton at, in 1582, 
247 n. 

Essex, Earl of, organising an expe- 
dition with Drake, 186 n. 

Every, Alexander, 206 

Exeter, some freemen of, their 
claims against Melsam, 64 

FACT = delict, 63 
Falconets, App. A 
Falcons, App. A 
Fashion pieces, 226 n. 
Fenelon, de la Motte, French am- 
bassador in 1569, 28 n. 
Fenner, Edward, xxiv, 1 87, 298 
Fenner, George, 292 ; his service, 

297 ; action off the Azores 
(1567), ib. 

Fenner, the galleon, 298 

Fenner, Thomas, Drake's flag- 
captain in 1585, x ; commands 
the Dreadnought in 1587, xviii, 
103 ; possibly appointed vice- 
admiral on Borough's dismissal, 
1 88 and n. ; his previous service, 

298 ; his contempt for galleys, 
113 ., 115, 140 ; his impatience 
of Borough's advice, 143 ; de- 
spatches from, to Walsyngham, 
97, 134 : see 113 n. 

Fenner, William, 292, 298, 299 


Fenton, Edward, his service, 298 ; 
mentioned, x, xlviii, 242, 292 

Ferro (Hierro), landing at, 6, 70 

Filches, Hawkyns's, 219 

Fireworks, the English specially 
skilled in, 335 

Fishborne, Richard, evidence 
against Borough, 159, 163, 164 ; 
has a ship that has fought with 
six galleys, 161 

Fisheries, see Algarve, New- 
foundland, Whaling fleet 

Flag of truce violated, 17 

Flamy, Adam and Daniel, intel- 
ligence by, 57 

Flanders, Philip having taken, 
may easily win England, 59 ; 
ships of, have escaped from Lis- 
bon, 51 ; sailors of, pressed, 194 

Flick, Robert, commodore of the 
London squadron, xix n., 105 n. ; 
agreement with Drake, 105 ; 
evidence against Borough, 159, 
163 ; directly contradicted, 175 

Flood, a valiant and skilful (but 
reformed) pirate, 35 

Florence, galleon of, at Lisbon, 
xxvii n., 193, 197 

Florence, Grand Duke of, see 

Flotas (convoys), xliv, 60 #., 73 n. 

Flower, John, xxiv, 188 

Flushing, ordnance to be sent to, 


Flying dragon, a gun, 324 

Forelocks, 30 n. 

Foresight, the, survey of, 229 ; 
complement of, 271 ; armament 
of, 306 ; mentioned, 234, 260, 
276,283, 313 

Fortescue, George, xi, xii 

Fowlers, mounting of, 29 n. See 
App. A 

Foxcrofte, Samuel, evidence against 
Borough, 157, 171 

Foxe, John, the martyrologist, letter 
of Drake to, 1 1 1 

Foysts, 8 1 n. 

France will join Spain in the pro- 
jected invasion, 63, and see Guise 

Francis, the (Francis Drake), xi, 
xii, 95 



Frederick, Hans, Danzic merchant, 

intelligence by, 192 
French bottoms, Spanish goods in, 

3, MI 

French, the, sack San Domingo, 
ii ; defeated at Terceira, see 
Strozzi ; ship taken there, 58 ; 
ships, embargo on, at San Lucar, 
68 ; ship destroyed at Cadiz, 
122 ; ship taken by Drake, see 
Drake, the 

Frigates, 81 n. 

Frobiser, Martin, Drake's vice- 
admiral, x ; statement signed by, 
92 ; mentioned, xii, xiv, 4, 24, 
47, 48, 94, 292, 297 

Froude, J. A., on Drake's reason 
for leaving Lisbon, xxxiii n. 

GALE = a good sailing breeze, 6 n. 
Galicia, a barren and poor country, 


Galleasses, see App. B 

Galleon, the, of Florence, see 

Galleon, the, of Malacca, ready to 
sail, 53 

Galleons, see App. B 

Galleys, discarded in the English 
service, though the term con- 
tinues to be used, 5 ., 337 (but 
see Bonavolia) ; English con- 
tempt for, as a factor in tactics, 
108, no, 112, 115, 140, 161 ; 
great opportunity for, at Cadiz, 
115 ; at Cascaes, xxxi, 139 

Garway, William, 206 

Genoa, a ship of, sunk at Cadiz, 
117 ; merchants of, their losses, 

George Bonaventure, the, London 
ship, xx, 5, 99, 160, 179, 275 

George, the, hoy, survey of, 230 ; 
mentioned, 241, 283, 313 

German troops, coming to Lisbon, 
52 ; in France, for the King of 
Navarre, 53 n., 80 

Gibraltar, ships at, xxvii n. ; action 
off, in 1586, 161 n. ; in 1590, xix 

Gifford, Dr. Gilbert, letter to, 121, 
123 n. 


Gilberte, Sir Humphry, 294 

Gilberte, Sir John, 201 

Gilman, Edward, commands the 
Scout, xii 

Goche, report by, xxxvii n. 

Godolphin, Sir Francis, 201 

Golden Hind, the, 162 n. 

Golden Lion, the, Drake's vice- 
admiral in, 1587, xviii ; mutiny 
and desertion of, xl ; depositions 
of crew of, 164-7, an d see 
Borough, William ; Marchant, 
John ; survey of, 228 ; comple- 
ment of, 271 ; armament of, 303 

Golden Noble, the, 275 

Gonson, Benjamin, 292, 297 

Gonson, Benjamin, senior, 297 

Gonson, William, 297 

Gorges, Edward, 293 

Gorges, Nicholas, 55, 292 ; service, 

Gorges, Sir Edmund, 296 

Gorges, Thomas, 201, 206 

Goring, John, xiii 

Grand Guy, the, taken by Drake, 81 

Graunte, Richard, intelligence by,65 

Gravelines, battle of, in 1588, 141 n. 

Greek fire, 335 

Greeks, as pilots, 15 and n. 

Greine, Ingram, conspires against 
Drake, 83 

Greville, see Brook 

Grey, John, 293 

Grey, Lord, 295 

Greyhound, the, 284 

Greynvile, Sir Richard, 29 1 ; service, 

Griffin, the, 236 

Groyne, the, see Corufia 

Grytre, de, see Guitry 

Guard, courts of, see Courts of 

Guglielmotti, his 'Marina Ponti- 
ficia,' 8 1 ., 338 

Guinea, I sland = Santiago, q.-u. 

Guinea nuts = cocoa nuts, 9 

Guipuscoa, squadron of, xxvi 

Guise, the Duke of, fear of hostile 
action by, xvii ; leagued with 
France and Spain against the 
King of Navarre, 54 ; to extir- 
pate Protestantism, 61 ; to com- 



mand an army against England, 

Guitry, the Sieur de, agent of the 

King of Navarre, 53 and n. 
Gunner, the, see Norton 
Gunners, English, the best in 

Europe, 336 
Gunners to be registered, that none 

depart the realm, 55 
Gunnery, 330 and App. A 
Guns, see Ordnance 
Gurley, Thomas, 61 

HALL, HUBERT, his ' Society in the 

Elizabethan Age,' quoted, xviii/z. 
Hall of a gun, 29 n. 
Hamon, Doctor, 164 
Hampton, John, master of the 

Rainbow, 162 

Hampton (Southampton), ship of, 2 
Hampton, Thomas, 293 
Handmaid, the> 222 n., 262, 313 
Hanega (haneck, hanegg), a mea- 
sure, 58 and n., 62, 65 
Hanken, Roger, 63 
Hanken, Thomas, 63 
Hankin, John, 293 
Hannam, John, xiii 
Hannibal referred to, 134 
Hanse merchants, see Easterlings 
Hanson, William, quarter-gunner 

of the Golden Lion, 165 
Hargate, an intercepted letter to, 51 
Harges, John, standard bearer, xxiv, 

Harper, William, evidence against 

Borough, 162. 163, 164 
Harquebus-a-crock, 320 
Harris, John, evidence of, 157, 159, 

1 60, 163, 164 

Hart, the, galleasse, 311 and n. 
Harte, John, Alderman, a director 

of the Muscovy Company, 87 .; 

accounts audited by, 87-92 
Hassall, intelligence by, 68 
Hatton, Sir Christopher, Hawkyns 

attacked in mistake for, 246 n. 
Havana reconnoitred, 23 n. ; the 

rendezvous of the flotas, 73 ; 

Drake means to take, ib. ; he 

cruises off, 84 


Havre, see Newhaven 

Hawkyns, bark, with Drake in 
1585, though not mentioned in 
' Summary Discourse,' x ., 45 
n. ; in Bayona road, 45 (but see 
Hope) ; with Drake in 1587, xx, 
loo ; another of the name in 
1588, 45 n. 

Hawkyns, John, afterwards Sir 
John ; his disaster at San Juan 
de Ulua(i568), 152 and ?/., 253 
n., 295 ; consequent pretended 
intrigues with Spain, 253 and n. ; 
his cruise in 1586, 252 n. ; 
stabbed in mistake for Hatton, 
246 and n. 

His administration, as Trea- 
surer of the Navy, xlix, i; 
papers relating to, 206-314 ; his 
contract (1579) to maintain the 
fleet in good order, 211 and n. ; 
proposes to close it (1587), 235 ; 
attacks on : by Wynter, 206 ; 
by Alleyn, 213 (?), 216 ; their 
value as evidence, xlix, 223 n. ; 
his own account on them, 234 ; 
' this mermaid ' will draw Burgh- 
ley overboard, 208 ; his honesty, 
1 ; independence, 208. See 
Alleyn, Baker, Pett, Wynter 

Letters: to the Council, 185 ; 
to Burghley, 233, 269 

Hawkyns, John, a base son of, sent 
to stop Drake in 1587, fails to 
catch him, xxiii, 148 ; but cap- 
tures a prize, xxiv, 199 ; worth 
5,ooo/., 102 n., 145, 251 

Hawkyns, Richard, afterwards 
Sir Richard, son of John, 
commands the Duck galleot, 
xi, xii, 5 77., 45 n. ; mentioned, 


Hawkyns, William, brother of 
John, 292, 298 ; mentioned, 247 n. 

Hawkyns, William, son of the 
above, 293, 299 

Henry VIII., his orders in regard 
to councils of war, xlvi ; estab- 
lishes the Admiralty Office on 
Tower Hill, 241 ; introduces the 
galleon type into the English 
service, 337 ; his smaller galle- 




asses to be fitted with oars, 339 ; 
his action at Spithead, ib. 

Hierro, sec Ferro 

Hispaniola, see Espanola 

Holland, see Dutch, States of 

Holstok, William, Controller of the 
Navy, 292, 295 ; certificate 
signed by, in Hawkyns's favour, 
240 ; relations with Hawkyns, 
245 ; mentioned, 284 n. 

Honduras, Drake to cruise off, 73 

Honnyngborn, Peter, deputy-clerk 
of her Majesty's stores, 221, 249 

Hope, the Queen's ship, survey of, 
229 ; complement of, 270 ; 
armament of, 302 ; whether 
identical with the bark Haw- 
kyns, 45 n. ; mentioned, xi, 43, 
96, 208, 236, 259, 276, 313 

Hopkins, John, of Bristol, 293 

Hoskyn, Daniel, intelligence in a 
letter to, 56 

How, Roger, a letter to, in Howard's 
possession, 82 

Howard, Lord Thomas, 291, 294 ; 
at the Azores in 1591, xix n. 

Howard of Effingham, Charles, 
Lord, lord high admiral, 291, 
293 ; instructions to Drake in 
1587, xxiv, 128 ; relations with 
him in 1588, 126 n. ; ships of, 
xviii, xx, 99 ; reconciles Hawkyns 
and Wynter, 251 ; approves of 
the purchase of the Ark, 257 n. ; 
mentioned, 82 

Huguenots, the, see Baird, Na- 
varre, Rochelle 

Humfrye, James, 246 

Humphrey, Robert, MS. by, 272 n. 

Hunsdon, Henry Carey, Lord, Lord 
Chamberlain, 291 ; service, 293 

Hyabans, the, in Florida, 26 

tary of the Council of Spain, 59 

Imprest, 222 n. 

Indies campaign (1585-6) : events 
leading to, viii, ix ; popularity 
of, ix ; plan of, xiv ; not a mere 
raid, ib. detailed plan of, 69- 


74 ; narrative of, 1-27 ; its 
authorship, xiv, 15 n. ; another 
narrative in Hakluyt, see ' Sum- 
mary Discourse ' ; despatches re- 
lating to, see Carleill, Drake, 
Wynter, Edward ; reports of, 
51-82; effect of, on Spanish 
credit, 77 ; disavowed by Eliza- 
beth, xv 

Ingat, intelligence by, 68 

Inglesfield, Sir Francis, letter from, 
51 ; a plot discovered at his 
house, 6 1 

Inquisition, the, Parliament of 
Arragon will not accept, 59 ; 
Melsam imprisoned by, 63 

Ireland, Spaniards expect to do 
most good upon, 60 ; advice to 
the Lord Deputy, 199 ; ships in, 
222, 313 

Irish merchants, trade unmolested 
in Lisbon, 65 

Irish suspects to be disarmed and 
sent inland, 199 

Isabella, Donna, of Spain, to be 
married to the Emperor's son,6i 

Islands, the, = Azores, 60 

Isle of Pearls, the, 72 

Italian ships destroyed at Cadiz, 
121 ; retaliation for, vowed, 122 

Italian squadron, anxiously ex- 
pected at Cartagena, xxvii, xliv ; 
has arrived in the Straits, 139, 
197. See Naples, squadron of 

Italian troops sent to Lisbon, 92, 

JACKS, upon their, 178 

Jal, his' GlossaireNautique' quoted, 

Jeer rope, 258 n. 

Jenkinson, Anthony, his distin- 
guished service, 296 

Jesuits, some are arrived in Eng- 
land, 83 ; plot of, against Drake, 
ib. ; campaign against Elizabeth, 
ib. n. 

Jesus, the, 80 

John Casimir, see Casimir 

Johnston, Titus, 49 

Joined works, 9 n. 

Jolley, Robert, 293 

A A 




Jonas, bark, despatches sent by, 49 
Jones, Andro, reports from France, 


Justices of Devon to arrest de- 
serters, 103 


Kent, commissioners in, to restrain 

export of victuals, 54, 55 
Kentish stone, shot of, 331 
Killigrew, H., mission to Leicester, 


Knollys, Sir Francis, Drake's rear- 
admiral, commands the galleon 
Leicester, xi ; mentioned, 292 ; 
service, 298 

Konigsberg, ropes of, 266 

LAGOS, attack on galleys at, xxxv ; 
land demonstration at, 135, 142 

Lane, Ralph, Governor of Ralegh's 
colony in Virginia, 26 

Lashers, 31 n. 

Latten, an alloy used in brass 
founding, 310 n. 

Laval, 80 and n. 

Law of Arms, the French King's 
respect for the, 68 

Lea, Robert, 55 

Lee, Hugh, Levant merchant, 
Drake's agreement with, 105. 
See 206 and n. 

Leicester, Earl of, supports Drake 
in his designs against Spanish 
trade, viii, 35 n. ; distrusted by 
the Dutch, xvi ; Governor of the 
United Provinces, 147 ; attempts 
to relieve Sluys, ib. n. ; to organise 
a Dutch fleet, xvii, 55, 198 ; letter 
to, from Ralegh, xvi ; said to 
have been defrauded by Hawkyns, 
see Leicester, galleon 

Leicester, galleon, Fenton's flag- 
ship in 1582, x, 242 ; repairs of, 
for Drake's Indies voyage, 248 ; 
Drake's rear-admiral in 1585, xi ; 
surplus stores of, remaining at 
Deptford, said to have been mis- 
appropriated, 247 


Leith, a ship of, brings intelli- 
gence, 65 

Lemman, plate of, 1 1 

Leng, Robert, his narrative in 
Hakluyt, xix ., xxv, xxxvi n. 

Lepanto, battle of, 295 

Letters of marque, regulations as 
to, 36 ; Melsam applies for, 63 

Levanters (English), their quality, 
xix ; squadron with Drake, xx 

Levanters (Sicilian) at Cartagena, 

Leyva, Don Alonso de, sent to 
organise at Cadiz, xxxviii ; his 
service, ib. 

Lieutenants of counties, precau- 
tions to be taken by, 198 

Lion, the, of London, 275. See 
Golden Lion, Red Lion, White 

Lisbon, preparations at, see 
Armada ; troops sent to, 52, 197 ; 
strength of the port, xxx ; why 
not attacked by Drake, see 
Cascaes ; intelligence from, 56, 
64, 193, 195 ; attempt on, in 1589, 
xxxiii n. 

Little John, the, xx, 99 

London offers to fit out seven score 
sail, ix 

London squadron, commodore of, 
holds flag rank ex officio, xi ., 
xix n. 

Looe, Andreas de, Parma's agent 
in London, letter to, from Burgh- 
ley, 146 

Low Countries, the Queen has 
taken into her hand, 56 

Lubeck merchants, 54 

Lucar, his ' Appendix to Tartaglia's 
Colloquies,' App. A, passim 

Lucca merchants, losses sustained 
by, at Cadiz, 121 

Lynn ropes, 215, 222, 255 

MAKESHIFT, the, Queen's pinnace, 
xix, 98, 99, 234 

Malacca, see Galleon of Malacca 

Malaga, victuallers at, 115; em- 
bargo at, 192 

Manington, Captain, xxiv, 188 




Manners, Roger, 291, 294 
Manning of ships according to 

tonnage, 265 

Manrique, Don Pedro Vique, com- 
mands galleys at Cartagena, 
20 n. 

Marbella, ships at, 192 
Marchant, John, with Drake in 1585, 
xiii ; in 1587, Platt's sergeant- 
major, xxiv ; pay of, as such, 187 ; 
supersedes Borough in com- 
mand of the Golden Lion, 143, 
151 ; discontent of her crew 
thereat, 147 ; representation to, 
by the crew, 150 ; endeavours to 
persuade them to return, ib., 
155 ; should have used force, 
151 ; returns without his ship, xl, 
1 50 ; evidence against Borough, 

Margaret and John, the, London 
ship, 99 ; in the ' Valiant Fight,' 
xix n. 

Margaret Bonaventure, the, 195 
Margarita, in Dominica, 70 
Marichurch, Isaac, master of 
Drake's ship in 1587, 157 ; evi- 
dence against Borough, 157, 
159; shaken in cross-examina- 
tion, 169, 170 ; since dead, 157 n. 
Maroons, the, or Cimaroons, act in 
conjunction with Drake at St. 
Domingo, 79 ; and elsewhere 
formerly, ib. #., and see 72 
Marshall, John, evidence, 159, 163 ; 

contradicted, 181 

Marshalsea Prison, witnesses con- 
fined in, have been tampered 
with, 183 

Martin, George, 160, 163, 164 
Martin, William, 96 
Martyn, Alderman Richard, Master 

of the Mint, 87 ., 90 
Mary Katherine, the, 275 
Mary Queen of Scots, her death j 
warrant signed, xvii ; effect of 1 
her execution on the national 
position, ib. ; as hoped by the ! 
Catholics, 122 ; on Drake and 
his friends, xxiii 

Mary Rose, the, of London, 275 
Mary Rose, the, Queen's ship, sur- ; 


vey of, 226 ; armament of, 302 ; 
complement of, 271 ; mentioned, 
236, 259, 276, 283, 313 
Matanzas, in Cuba, Drake cruising 

off, 23 

Maurice of Nassau, Prince, at- 
tempts to relieve Sluys, 147 n. 
May, Richard, attests a document, 


Medici galleon, see Florence, gal- 
leon of 

Medina Sidonia, Duke of, orders to, 
xxxvi ; brings troops to Cadiz 
from San Lucar, 119 
Melsam, William, intelligence by, 
6 1 ; and petition to the Council, 

Merchant adventurers, the, Drake's 
relations with, 89 ; his agreement 
with, in 1587, 103 ; victualled out 
of the stores taken at Cadiz, 145 ; 
their request for share of the 
prize taken by Wynter's pinnace, 
ib.) and see 251 ; for share of the 
proceeds of the voyage, ib. n. 
Merchant Royal, the, admiral of 
the London squadron, xviii, 99 n. ; 
in the action of 1586, 161 n. ; 
sick crew of, sent home, 141 ; 
Borough on board of, 175 
Merchant ships, list of, fit for the 

Queen's service, 275 
Merlin, the, Queen's pinnace, sur- 
veyed, 229 ; complement of, 272 ; 
armament of, 308 ; mentioned, 
241, 262, 277, 283, 313 
Mexico city, port of, see San Juan 

de Ulua 
Mexico fleet has arrived in Spain, 


Mildmay, Sir Walter, Chancellor 

of the Exchequer, 254 
Minion, a gun, App. A 
Minion, the, London ship, xii, xx, 

Mobilisation, papers relating to, 

2 58 93 ; partial, for defence of 

the Narrow Seas, xv, 269 and n. 

See also 276, 279, 282 
Mobilisation, Spanish, paralysed 

by Drake's occupation of St. 

Vincent, xxv, and see Armada 

A A 2 




Mojanes (guns), 319 

Monck, George (1653), and councils 

of war, 1 24 n. 
Monson, Sir William, quoted, xxxix, 

xliii ; as a military critic, 328 ; 

list of ordnance given by, ib. 
Monzon, Philip at, 59 ; parliament 

held at, ib. 
Moon, the, 312 n. 5 
Moone, Edward, 292 
Moone, Thomas, commands the 

Francis, xi, 45 n. 
Moors, the (Muros in Galicia), 2 
More, James, 292 

Morlaix, intelligence from, 76, 78, 80 
Morris pikes, 30 n. 
Mortars, 316, and see App. A 
Mounting of guns, M.L., 330 ; B.L., 


Mummering, 67 and n. 
Murderer, a class of mortar, q.v. 
Muscovy Company, the, xlii n. 
Muscovy cordage, 250, 255, 266 
Musket, a B.L. gun, 301 ., 332 

NAMES, note on spelling of, 92 n. 
Naples, squadron of: importance 

attached to its arrival, xliii ; 

Cadiz division to sail without 

awaiting, xliv 

Narborough, see Nuremberg 
Narrow Seas, the, defence of, see 

Narva, action at, see Borough ; 

newly opened as a port, 216 n., 


Naval rank, note on, 125 n. 
Navarre, the King of : money 

advanced to, 53 ; league against, 

54 ; his German mercenaries, 53, 

Navy Lists, 270-72, 283, 284, 313. 

See also 224-31 
Negro king, the, 53 
Netherlands, see Dutch, Leicester, 

Low Countries 

Newfoundland fishing fleet, de- 
stroyed by Bernard Drake, xxix ; 

will not sail in 1585, 58 ; no news 

of, 6 1 


Newhaven (Havre), a ship of, 
brings news of Drake, 80 

Newman, payment to, 96 

Newporte, Christopher, signs evi- 
dence, 1 60, 163 

New Spain, flota of, 60 n. ; ships 
of, burnt at Cadiz, 120 n. 

New Year's gift, San Domingo 
yielded as a, 15 ; a prize so-called 
burnt, 22 

Nicholls, Philip, Drake's chaplain, 
xxiv ; endorses evidence given 
against Borough, 169 

Nombre de Dios reported taken, 
66, 76, and see 72 

Nonpareil, the, late Philip and 
Mary, 283 ; new built, 229, 284 
n. ; armament of, 303 ; men- 
tioned, 234, 236, 259, 270, 276, 
284 ., 313 

Norton, Robert, his ' Gunner ' 
quoted, 29 n., 90 n., App. A, 

Nuremberg (Narborough) culver- 
ins, 321 

OFFICERS, lax discipline amongst, 
124 n. ; pay of, 288-91 

Oporto, old name of, 107 n. 

Oquendo, Don Miguel de, organis- 
ing a Guipuzcoan squadron, 

Ordnance, indenture of, delivered 
to Drake, 27-32 ; reports on, 
300-8, 309-11 ; required for new 
ships, 312 ; English, superiority 
of, over the Spanish, 118, 119; 
Spanish, captured in the Indies 
campaign, valued, 90-4 ; mono- 
graph on the subject, App. A 

Ordnance Department, note on, 
27 n. 

Ortel, brings communications from 
the States of Holland, 54 

Ostend to be victualled, 54 ; 
Parma threatens, 147 

PADILLA, see Santa Gadea 
' Pallas Armata,' see Turner Sir 




Palma, Drake attempts to surprise, 

6, 7. 
Palmer, Sir Henry, 292 ; his service, 

Panama, Drake to capture, xiv, 

72 ; reported taken, 66 
Pantalarea, in the Straits, action off, 

161 n. 

Pantero-Pantera, quoted, 339 
Paris, John, signs evidence 159, 

Parker, Captain, sent home with 

despatches, xxxiii n. ; inspired 

with fear of galleys, 160, 161 ; 

appealed to by Borough, 177, 

180; his pay, 187; mentioned, 

Parker, Martin, disbursements by, 


Parma, Duke of, negotiations with, 
146-9 ; besieging Sluys, ib. ; 
his losses there, 147 n. ; English 
rebels with, 149 ; his hostile pre- 
parations, 198 

Passages, Oquendo at, xxvi 

Passavolante, a gun, 319, 324 

Paston, Clement, 292 ; his service, 

Paulet, Sir Amyas, 169 and n. 

Pay of the regular forces engaged 
in the 1587 campaign, 185-91 ; 
maximum rate of, 258-62 ; pro- 
priety of increasing, 281, 282 ; of 
officers, 285, 286 ; of ship keepers, 
282-4. See 85 ., 236, 237, 272-4, 
277, 278 ; and note on the whole 
subject, 286-91 

Pay, Spanish troops had despaired 
of receiving, 194 

Pelham, Mr., will not undertake an 
official mission, 55 

Pelican, a gun, 324 

Periers, 316 

Perrot, Sir John, 292 ; service, 294 

Peru, produce of, xliv, 51, 60 

Pett, Peter, shipwright, Hawkyns 
reported a partner with, 208, 222 ; 
will be undone by him, 220 ; 
disagreement with him, 232, 250; 
survey of ships, 224-31 ; ships 
building by, 313, 314 

Pew, Robert, xiii 


Philip II. of Spain: his position 
regarding his colonies, vii ; and 
consequent dilemma, viii ; lays an 
embargo on English corn ships, 
ix, 34, 43 ; preparations for in- 
vading England, see Armada ; 
confused by Drake's tactics, and 
contradictory orders issued by, 
xxviii, xxxviii-ix, xliii does not 
realise his unpreparedness for 
war, xxxii ; his illness, 59 ; league 
against Protestantism, 61 ; has 
more friends in England than 
the Queen, 63 ; such a cooling 
to, as never happened since he 
was King of Spain, 76 ; his beard 
singed at Cadiz, xxv ; stop him 
now, and stop him ever, 109 ; 
Catholics will yield England to, 
without bloodshed, 195 

Philip and Mary, the, see Non- 

Phillips, John, evidence of, 160, 
163, 164 

Pimentel, Don Diego de, at Carta- 
gena, xxvii ; orders to, xxxvi ; 
reports from Cadiz, 122 

Pinnaces, i n., 5 ., 340, 341 

Plat = plan, chart, 143 

Platt, Anthony, xiii ; lieutenant- 
general commanding land forces, 
xxiv ; pay of, as such, 187 ; said 
to have intimidated witnesses, 
183; evidence, 157, 159, 160, 

Policornus, Ember, a letter to, 57 

Pontevedra, 45 

Poole, William, xxiv ; his evidence 
against Borough, 157, 159, 163; 
his pay, 187 

Pope, the, bulls of, 40 ; sends troops 
to Lisbon, 52, 62 ; a member of 
the League, 63, 68 

Popinjay, the, pinnace, 312 n. 10 

Port pieces, mounting of, 29 n. ; 
classified, 331 

Port Royal near Cadiz, 113 

Porte, the, Drake's negotiations 
with, xvi. See 95 n. 

Porto Praya burnt, 12 

Portsmouth, fleet to concentrate at, 
xviii, 55 




Portugal, conquest of, its effect on 
Spanish naval power, viii ; dis- 
content in, 69 ; Spaniards in, will 
forswear their master, 132. See 
Antonio, Don 

Portugal base, see Base 

Portuguese, the, will resist a land- 
ing at Cascaes, xxxi n. ; Drake's 
conciliatory treatment of, 162 

Post, the, pinnace, 100 

Powell, Anthony, CarleilPs ser- 
geant-major, xi ; his death, 25 
and n. 

Powell, John, Surveyor of the Ord- 
nance, 309 

Prentices, mutinous disposition of, 


Prest = recruiting money, 88 n. 

Pretend = seek, desire, 75 n. 

Primrose, the (Hawkyns's), daring 
escape from Bilbao, ix ; vice- 
admiral in 1585, x; experiences 
heavy weather, 5, 27 ; repairs of, 
257 ; mentioned, 275 

Privy Council, see Council 

Projectiles, note on, 335 

Protestant religion, free exercise of, 
in the Netherlands demanded, 
or no peace, 148 

Provencals, 81 n. 

Provost-marshal necessary in war 
time, 213 

Puntales in Cadiz harbour, 163, 
174, 176 

QUARLES, JAMES, Baeshe's succes- 
sor as surveyor of the victuals, 
238 n. 

Quarter-gunners, 286 n. 

Queenborough men on the Golden 
Lion, 153 

Queen's ships, with Drake in 1587, 
99. See Navy Lists 

RAGUSA, and Ragusans, see 

Rainbow, the, built on galleasse 
lines, xix and n. ; but classed as a 
galleon, 313 n. ; at Cadiz, see 
Bellingham ; surveyed, 228 

Ralegh, Carew, 292 ; service, 296 

Ralegh, George, 292 ; service, 298 


Ralegh, John, 292 ; service, 298 

Ralegh, Sir Walter, procures leave 
for Drake to go to the Nether- 
lands, xvi ; his Virginia colon- 
ists brought home by Drake, 26 ; 
the Ark purchased from, 257 ; 
his reported agreement with 
Hawkyns and Chapman, ib. ; 
mentioned, 291 ; his service, 294 

Rampires, 16 n. 

Range finding, 331 

Raymond, George, sent home with 
a prize, 141 ; service, 141 ., 299 ; 
at Cadiz, 162, 181 ; mentioned, 

Reade, William, examined, 167 

Rebadochino, a gun, 320 

Recalde, Don Juan Martinez de, 
appreciation of, xxvi ; cruising 
off St. Vincent, ib. ; orders to, 
intercepted, xxviii ; escapes Drake 
into Lisbon, xxix 

Recusants in England, order to be 
taken with, 198 

Red Lion, the, 275 

Refresh = revictual, 97 n. 

Reprisals, see Letters of Marque 

Revenge, the, survey of, 228 ; com- 
plement, 271 ; armament, 304; 
mentioned, 241, 259, 276, 283, 


Reverse = recoil of guns, 329 
Rewards, system of, supersedes 

that of dead shares, 289. See note 

on Pay, 286-91 
Rich, Barnaby, to strengthen Corfe 

Castle, 55 ; mentioned, 293 
Rio de la Hacha may be taken, 


Rivers, John, commands the Van- 
tage, xii ; evidence, 157, 159 

Roberts, John, work on gunnery 
(1639) quoted, 325 

Robinet, a gun, 318 and App. A 

Rochelle, ships victual at, 39 ; Eng- 
lish ships seized to serve against, 

Rock of Lisbon, the (Cape Roca), 


Rohan, Re'ne', Vicomte de, 80 and n. 
Roscoff, news from, 78, 80 
Rota, point of, in Cadiz harbour, 178 




Rouen, consignment of wool to, 61 
Rowbarges classed as pinnaces, 

SAETTIAS, note on, 81 n. 
Safe get = preserve, retain, 62 
Sagres, Cape, landing at, against 

Borough's advice, 127, 155 ; fort 

of, taken by assault, 137, 142 
St. Antonio, Cape (Cuba), Drake 

off, 23 ; strategic importance of 

the station, ib. n. 
St. Augustine (Florida) captured 

and burnt, 25 
St. Christopher's, 14 
St. Jean de Luz, a ship purporting 

to be of, taken, 39 
St. John, the, Spanish galleon, 196 
St. Julian's, fort protecting the 

Tagus, xxx, xxxiii. See Cascaes 
St. Malo, suspicious ships of, 40, 


St. Mark, the, Spanish galleon, 196 
St. Martin, the, Spanish galleon, 196 
St. Mary Port (Cadiz harbour), 62, 

153? 174, 177, 192 

St. Michael's (Azores), Santa Cruz' 
victory at, xxvi ; see Santa Cruz, 
Strozzi ; Drake captures a valu- 
able prize at, xli ; see San Felipe 

St. Sebastian, a ship of, captured, 
2, 39 ; intelligence from, 57 

St. Vincent, Cape, Drake resolves 
to seize, xxiv ; Borough protests, 
ib., xlvii, 126 ; Drake has instruc- 
tions to cruise off, but warned 
against landing at, 126, 128 ; im- 
portance of the station for 
strategic purposes, xxv, 126 n., 
139 ; for refitting and refreshing, 
xxxiv, 139 ; forts protecting, see 
Sagres ; Spanish fleet to concen- 
trate at, xxxvii, xliv, and see 6 

Sakers, guns of the culverin class, 
322, App. A 

Saltash, sale of the Carrack's cargo 
at, 205 

Samaritan, the, of London, 275 

Sampson, Captain, negotiates at 
Bayona, 4, 43 ; in a skirmish 
there, 46 ; service of, 43 n. 


San Domingo, capital of Espaiiola, 
1 8 ; capture of, 14-18, 79, 82 ; 
mentioned, xiv, 13, 56, 71, 76 
San Domingo, in Santiago (Cape 
Verde), sacked, n ; by the 
French, ib. 

San Felipe, the, Portugal carrack 
from the East Indies, capture of, 
by Drake, xlii ; breeds a marvel- 
lous grief in Spain, 194 ; effect 
of, on the English East India 
trade, xlii n.; intrinsic value of 
her cargo, xlii ; cargo to be sold, 
199 ; Commissioners' report on 
sale, 200-6 ; prize money for 
capture, 287 

San Juan de Ulua, the port of Mex- 
ico : Hawkyns's and Drake's dis- 
aster at, 152, 253 n. 
San Lucar, the port of Seville, xxvii, 
142 n. ; convoys start from, 60 n. 3 ; 
embargo at, 68 ; Medina Si- 
donia at, 117; intelligence from, 

Santa Cruz, Alvaro de Bazan, Mar- 
quis of, Commander-in-Chief of 
the Armada, 60 ; his victory at 
Terceira, xxvi, 35 n.; orders to, 
to convoy the Indies fleet, xxviii ; 
to join the Cadiz division at Cape 
St. Vincent, xxxvii ; his inactivity 
at Cascaes, xxxi, 138, 143 ; has 
no English prisoners there, xxxii, 
132 ; eager to meet Drake, 
xxxvii ; pursues him to the 
Azores, xv, xliv, 193, 194 ; a gal- 
leon of, burnt at Cadiz, 107, 113, 
1 20 ., 122 ; honour forbids him 
to meddle with English pirates, 
122 ; generosity to an English 
seaman, 196 

Santa Gadea, Martin de Padilla, 
Conde de, galley squadron com- 
manded by, xxxv, 108 n. ; to com- 
mand a concentration movement, 
Santa Katarina (Cadiz harbour), 


Santa Marta (Spanish main), 71 
Santiago (Cape Verde), capture of, 

8-10, 70; reported, 65 
Saragosa, Philip at, 58 

3 6 



Savoy, the Duke of, a member of 
the League, 61 

Scant (of the wind) = drop, 49, 115 

Scipio and Hannibal, 134 

Scotland and the Spanish scheme 
of invasion, 63, 149, 194 

Scout, the, with Drake, xii ; survey 
of, 229 ; complement, 271 ; arma- 
ment, 308 ; mentioned, 262, 276, 

Sea Dragon, the, xi ., 248, 249. 
See Tiger 

Seamen, pay of, 287. See Pay 

Sergeant-major, xii, xxiv 

Serpentine, a gun of the culverin 
class, 324 

Setuval, embargo at, 62, 192 

Seven Stars, the, 312 n. 9 

Seville, preparations at, 52 ; mer- 
chants of, in a great mummering, 
67 ; bank of, broke, 77 ; port of, 
see San Lucar 

Seymour, Lord Henry, 291, 294 

Sharpe or Shorte, an English mer- 
chant at Bayona, 42, 44 

Sheathing of hulls introduced by 
Hawkyns, 226 . 

Sheffield, Lord, 291, 294 

Shells, shrapnel, 335 ; and illumi- 
nant, ib. 

Sheriffs, John, his work on ord- 
nance referred to, 325 and App. 
A, passim 

Ship keeper's pay, 282 

Ships, Queen's, see Navy Lists ; 
reports on, by Pett and Baker, 
224-31 ; by Wynter and Hol- 
stok, 241 ; classification of, 284 
., 340. See App. B 

Shivers, shyvers, or sheaves, in 
gunnery, 29 n., 233 

Shoppley's ship, 275 

Shorte, see Sharpe 

Shot = troops with small arms, 46 

Sicilian troops, xxvii, xxviii, xxxvii 

Sidney, Sir Philip, joint master of 
the ordnance, 33 

Simoneta (1447), quoted, 338 

Siren, a gun of the culverin class, 


Skallops, in gunnery, 32 n. 
Skynner, Augustine, 68 


Sling, a B.L. perier, 318, 331 

Sluys, siege of, 147 

Smeriglio, a gun, 320 

Smythe, Thomas, farms London 
customs, 87 ., 95 ; on the Audit 
Commission, 1586,86-96; men- 
tioned, 246 

Snarke, Hans, a Baltic pirate, 
captured at Narva, 296 

Solomon, the Levant Company's 
ship, xx ; brings news from 
Spain, 66; at Cadiz, 163 ; men- 
tioned, 99, 275 

South Sea, Drake's raid into, in 
1574, viii. See Panama 

Southwell, a Jesuit, 83 

Spain becomes a first-rate naval 
power, viii ; ruin of, preached, 
66 ; hatred of, in Portugal, see 

Spanish Company, the, 63 

Spanish party temporarily pre- 
dominant in the Council, xxiii ; 
Drake alludes to, 104 

Spark, Sir John, brings intelligence, 

Speedwell, the, xx ; parts company, 
45 and n. ; charges for refitting, 
91, 96; with Drake in 1587, 


Spenser, William, Drake's secre- 
tary, 112 and n. 

Spert, Henry, 292 

Spindelowe, Henry,'xxiv ; his advice 
given at Cadiz, 162 ; tampering 
with witnesses, 184 ; personal 
animosity against Borough, ib. ; 
evidence, 159, 163, 164; pay of, 

Spy, the, Queen's pinnace, xix, xx ; 
takes Marchant off the Golden 
Lion, xl, 150; new building, 312 
n. ii ; mentioned, 99, 186, 284 

Squior, Walker, brings intelligence 
from Lisbon, 52 

Stafford, Lord, 291 

Stafford, Sir Edward, Ambassador 
to Paris : Walsyngham to, 106 

Stallenge, William, xxiv, 187 

Stanton, Richard, xiii 

States of Holland, negotiations 
with, 54, 198 



Steele, James, Flick's chaplain, 
signs depositions, 1 59 ; his bad 
reputation in London, 176 

Steerage, position of, 127 

Stillings, Dr., 123 

Stock fowlers, B.L. guns, 331 

Stone shot, weight of, 331 

Stonne, Thomas, intelligence by, 

Stripes, with, = by force, 41 

Strozzi, Filippo, commands a 
French expedition to the Azores 
under Don Antonio's flag, 35 ; 
defeated there by Santa Cruz, ib. 
n., xxvi 

' Summary Discourse,' of Drake's 
Indies voyage, xiv ; its author- 
ship and publication, ib. ; trans- 
lations of, ib., xvi ; referred to, 
1-27 notes, 40 ., 45 ., 49 n. 

Sun, the, 284, 312 n. 7 

Susan, the, of London, xx, 99 ; in 
the ' worthy fight ' in the Straits, 
161 n. ; mentioned, 275 

Susanna and the Elders, 175 

Sussex, coast of, should be espe- 
cially guarded, 109 ; timber in, 
depleted owing to iron working, 

Sutton, Samuel, evidence, 160, 163, 

Swallow, the, Queen's ship, with 
Drake in 1585, xii ; survey of, 
227 ; complement, 271 ; arma- 
ment, 306 ; mentioned, 241, 260, 
276, 283, 313 

Swan, the, 45 n. 

Swiftsure, the, Queen's ship, survey, 
2*27 ; complement, 271 ; arma- 
ment, 305 ; mentioned, 241, 260, 
276, 283, 313 

Sydenham, Humfrey, xxiv ; ex- 
presses confidence in Drake, 
161 ; probably a kinsman of his 
by marriage, 157 n. ; evidence, 
157, 159, 161, 163, 164 ; pay, 188 

TAFFETA, a stuff, 203 n. 4 
Tagus, the, defences of, see Cascaes, 


Talbot, bark, xii ; shot through the 
sails, 6 ; loses her cable in a 
storm, 45 ; new one delivered to 
96 ; not in Navy Lists, 314 n. ; 
but repaired out of timber at 
Deptford, 257 ; mentioned, 236 

Tallaunt, Roger, 96 

Tanlay, a Huguenot leader, 80 and 

Tartaglia's Colloquies, see Lucar 

Taylor, bark, of London, 275 

Tedescos, see German troops 

Terceira, Santa Cruz' victory at, 
see Santa Cruz, Strozzi ; French 
ship that was taken at, burnt at 
San Lucar, 58 

Ternate, commercial treaty with, 
xlii n. 

Territory, whether colonies are, vii 

Thomas Bonaventure, the, Levant 
Company's ship, xx 

Thomas Drake, the, Drake's, xx, 
45 and n. 

Thomas, John, 293 

Thomas, Samuel, signs depositions, 
159, 163,164 

Thornton, Captain, a ship keeper 
in Ireland, 222 

Throgmorton, R., a letter from, to 
Gifford, 121, 123 n. 

Tierra Firme, Golden Castile, or 
the Spanish main, 18 n. ; Drake 
at, see Cartagena 

Tiger, the, Queen's ship : old ship 
sold out of the service, xi n. ; and 
replaced by the purchase of the 
Sea Dragon, which is probably 
so renamed, 249 n., 271 . ; sur- 
vey of, 229 ; armament of, 307 ; 
mentioned, 241, 261, 276 

Tiger, the ship commanded by 
Carleill, xi ; whether a London 
ship, possibly the old Tiger, ib. n. ; 
Admiral of the pinnace squadron, 

5 -, 45 
Tippet, John, evidence against 

Borough, 159, 161, 163, 164; to 

reconnoitre the Biscay ports, 197 
Tonnage, charter by, 237 ; rules 

for ascertaining, 263 
Torre Veijo, fort defending the 

Tagus, xxx 



Torture, examination of prisoners 

by, 10 and n. 
Tower, the, Ordnance office at, 28, 


Tower Hill, Admiralty office on, 
241 n. 

Train (treynes) = train oil, 57 n. 

Tramontana, the, 236, 284 ; build- 
ing, 312 

Triumph, the, survey of, 225 ; com- 
plement of, 270 ; armament of, 
301 ; mentioned, 241, 258, 276, 
283 313 

Trust, the, pinnace, 236, 284, 312 
n. 10 

Turk, the, charge to, 95 and n. 

Turner, Jeromy, 293 

Turner, Nicholas, a letter to, 80 

Turner, Sir James, his 'Pallas 
Armata'(i683) quoted, 16 ., 327 

Tuscany, the Grand Duke of, 
alliance with Philip and the 
League, xxvi, 61 n. ; galleon of, 
see Florence, galleon of 

Tyson, Gilbert, reports, 193 

count of the Armada campaign 
inspired by Drake, xxx ; quoted, 
xxxii, xlv 

Ufano, Diego, 333 
Ulysses and the Siren, 208 
United Provinces, the, see Dutch, 

Leicester, Low Countries 
Unity, the, 236 
Upnor Castle, 209, 211 

VALENTIA, notables of, meet 

Philip, 58 

Value = valour, 136 n. 
Vanguard, the, survey of, 228 ; 

building, 312 n. 
Vantage, the, xii 
Varney, John, commands the bark 

Benjamin, xii 
Vassel, John, 195 
Vaughan, John, captain of the 

Drake, xii, 293, 299 
Velez, 192 


Venice, bank of, 77 ; merchants of, 
losses at Cadiz, 121 

Viana (Vianna), burnt, 2 

Vice-Admiral, note on the rank of, 
125 n. 

Victory, the, survey of, 225 ; com- 
plement of, 270 ; armament of, 
301 ; mentioned, 241, 276, 283, 

.3 J 3 

Victualling charges, 278 

Vigo, Drake at, 3 ; perhaps weather- 
bound there, 49 ., 51 ; booty 
taken at, 45, 46, and see Bayona 

Violet, the, 275 

Virata, Conde de, 59, 60 

Virginia colonists return home 
with Drake, 26 

WAAD, SIR WILLIAM, a clerk of 
the Privy Council, 122, 195 

Walford, T., victual to be sent to, 
at Ostend, 54 

Walsyngham, Sir Francis, Secre- 
tary of State, 33 n. ; his con- 
sistent support of Drake, viii, 
35 n. ; powerless single-handed 
against the Spanish party, xxiii ; 
Drake's personal devotion to, 
104 n. Despatches to, from 
Sir G. Carey, 33 ; from Carleill, 
39 ; from Drake, 107, 131, 140 ; 
from Fenner, 97, 113 n., 134; 
from Edward Wynter, 49. 
Despatch by, to Sir E. 
Stafford, 106 

War, a state of, not existing in 
1585, vii ; Philip not prepared 
for, in 1586, xv ; reprisals can be 
carried on without declaration 

of, 35, 36 
Ward, Luke, 293 ; service, 299 ; 

narrative of Fenton's voyage, 

quoted, 247 n. 
Warwick, Earl of, Master of the 

Ordnance, 27, 33 n. 
Waterhouse, Frobiser's lieutenant, 

killed, 24 

Watts, John, commands the Mar- 
garet and John, 99 n. ; agreement 

with Drake, 105 
Weight of guns, 326-9 




Whaling fleet, the Spanish, 57, 58 ; 

no news of, 61 
Wheat, price of, at San Sebastian, 

58 ; seized in Xeres, 62 ; price of, 

at Lisbon, 65 
Wheatly, Anthony, 195 
White Bear, the, survey of, 225 ; 

complement of, 270 ; armament 

of, 301 ; mentioned, 241, 258, 

276, 283, 313 
White Lion, the (Howard's), xviii, 

xx, 99, 163, 181 
Whyte, Henry, commands the Sea 

Dragon, xii 
Wignall, Robert, pilot of the 

Elizabeth Bonaventure, 1 88 
Williams, John, evidence of, 158, 

Williams, Sir Roger, his defence of 

Sluys, 147 n. 

Wilson, John, evidence of, 159 
Windage of guns, note on, 325 
Wiseman, intelligence by, 68 
Wolley, John, Latin Secretary of 

State, despatch to, from Drake, 

109 ; mentioned, 169 
Woodward, John, news to, 68 
Wylson, a rope maker, 221 
Wynter, Edward, commands the 

Aid, xi ; despatch to Walsyng- 

ham, 49 ; mentioned, 292, 297 
Wynter, John, 292, 297 
Wynter, Sir William, a veteran 

officer, 294 ; Master of the Ord- 


nance until 1569 or after, 27 n. ; 
Surveyor of the Ships, 87 n. ; on 
the Audit Commission for pro- 
ceeds of Indies Voyage, 92 n. 
Reports by, as Surveyor of the 
Ships, to Burghley, 207, 232 ,240. 
His relations with Hawkyns nar- 
rated by a hostile critic, 242-55 ; 
' what a dissembling knave ' is 
Hawkyns, 246 ; the two recon- 
ciled by Howard, 251 ; possible 
reason for their differences, 246 
n. ; and for their reconciliation, 
251 ; a pinnace of, takes a valu- 
able prize, 251, and see Hawkyns, 
John, base son of 
Wynter, William, commands the 
Minion in 1588, 100 ; the Fore- 
sight in 1587, 298 

XERES, wheat impounded at, 62 

YONGE, JOHN, 293 ; his service, 

York, Archbishop of, letters to be 

sent to, 55 

Yorke, Gilbert, 292 ; service, 298 
Yucatan Channel, 23 n. 

ZEBRATANA, a gun, 319 

Zeeland, ships of, 52, 55, 101 ; 

merchandise for, from San Lucar, 








THE NAVY RECORDS SOCIETY, which has been esta- 
blished for the purpose of printing rare or unpublished 
works of naval interest, aims at rendering accessible the 
sources of our naval history, and at elucidating questions 
of naval archaeology, construction, administration, organi- 
sation and social life. 

The Society has already issued : 

In 1894 : Vols. I. and II. State Papers relating to the 
Defeat of the Spanish Armada, Anno 1588, edited by 
Professor J. K. Laughton. 

In 1895 : Vol. III. Letters of Lord Hood, 1781-82, edited 
by Mr. David Hannay. 

Vol. IV. Index to James's Naval History, by Mr. C. G. 
Toogood, edited by the Hon. T. A. Brassey. 

Vol. V. Life of Captain Stephen Martin, 1666-1740, 
edited by Sir Clements R. Markham. 

In 1 8y6 : Vol. VI. Journal of Rear-Admiral Bartholomew 
James, 1752-1828, edited by Professor J. K. Laughton, 
with the assistance of Commander J. Y. F. Sulivan. 

Vol. VII. Holland's Discourses of the Navy, 1638 and 
1658, edited by Mr. J. R. Tanner. 

Vol. VIII. Naval Accounts and Inventories in the Reign 
of Henry VII., edited by Mr. M. Oppenheim. 

In 1897 : Vol. IX. Journal of Sir George Rooke, 
edited by Mr. Oscar Browning. 

Vol. X. Letters and Papers relating to the War with 
France, 1512-13, edited by M. Alfred Spont. 

Vol. XI. Papers relating to the Spanish War, 1585-87, 
edited by Mr. Julian Corbett. 

For this year (1898) it is hoped to issue Original 
Documents relating to the First Dutch War, 1652-54 
(Vol. I.), edited by Professor S. R. Gardiner ; Papers relating 
to the Blockade of Brest, 1803-5 (Vol. I.), edited by Mr. J. 
Leyland ; Journals and Letters of Admiral of the Fleet Sir 
Thomas Byam Martin, 1773-1854 (Vol. I.), edited by 
Admiral Sir R. Vesey Hamilton. 

Besides other volumes of the Dutch War, the Blockade 
of Brest, and the Martin Papers, other works in pre- 
paration are: Roll II. of Anthony's Declaration of the 
Navy, 1545, to be edited by Professor Elgar ; The Naval 
Tracts of Sir William Monson (probably in four volumes), 
to be edited by Mr. M. Oppenheim ; The Journal of 
Captain (afterwards Sir John) Narbrough, in the summer 
of 1672, to be edited by Professor J. K. Laughton ; 
Official Documents illustrating the Social Life and Internal 
Discipline of the Navy in the XVIIIth Century, to be 
edited by Professor J. K. Laughton ; and Logs and Original 
Narratives of the Principal Actions of the Revolutionary 
and Napoleonic Wars, to be edited by Rear-Admiral 
T. Sturges Jackson. 

Any person wishing to become a Member of the 
Society is requested to apply to the Secretary (Professor 
Laughton, King's College, London, W.C.), who will submit 
his name to the Council. The Annual Subscription is 
One Guinea, the payment of which entitles the Member 
to receive one copy of all works issued by the Society for 
that year. The publications are not offered for general 
sale ; but new Members can obtain a complete set of 
the volumes on payment of the back subscriptions. Single 
volumes can also be obtained by Members at icw. 6d. each, 
with the exception of Vols. I. and II., sold only together 
at 30^. ; Vol. III. at i$s.; and Vol. IV. at 12s. 6d. Of 
Vol. V. no copies are available. 

May 1898. 

DA Navy Records Society, London 

70 Publications 

AI v. II 
v. II